Analyze

CIEL's report is the first I have encountered to attempt to give a comprehensive analysis of Formosa Plastics and its impact on communities. The report breaks down the corporation's story into several sections: its origins and convoluted corporate structure, its primary products and common health risks of production, documented legal violations, and environmental justice threats. Together, the 100-page document covers significant ground, yet is readable in under an hour. It includes key statistics that are understandable without extensive background. I believe this report, as a mode of communication, finds an outstanding balance between accessible language, analysis, brevity, and detail. Activists and researchers alike should strive for the same qualities in their knowledge-sharing strategies.

This report released in 2021 by the Center for International Environmental Law was an important collaboration between "No Formosa" organizers in different settings. While the report's primary goal was to highlight and challenge Formosa's expansion in Southern Louisiana, it also addressed Formosa's operation in different places in the US, as well as Cambodia, Taiwan, and Vietnam. The report also prompted discussions about how to talk about environmental justice and what related concepts (like environmental racism) can be used to characterize the dynamics that produce injustices in these settings. 

The authors all work at University of California San Francisco. Their names are Vicanne Adams, Taslim Van Hattum, and Diana English. Adams works at USCF and was the former director and vice-chair in the department of anthropology, history, and social medicine. She focuses her research in Global Health, Asian Medical Systems, Social Theory, Critical Medical Anthropology, Sexuality and Gender, Safe Motherhood, Disaster Recovery, Tibet, Nepal, China and the US. She has been involved in various publications and has received numerous grants from the NIH. Van Hattum and English are also within the department for Anthropology, History, and Social Medicine. 

The main argument made in this article is that the term "chronic disaster syndrome" can be used as a diagnosis of Katrina survivors as opposed to PTSD. They use this term on the basis of factors including: individual suffering (trauma), the workings of disaster capitalism tied to the undermining of public infrastructures of social welfare and their replacement with private-sector service provision through contracts with for-profit corporations, and the ways that displacement functions within disaster capitalism. They make the point that this term can be used in link with disasters. In this case, Katrina caused "chronic disaster syndrome" to most survivors in that they were affected (and still are) socially, politically, and individually. The trauma experienced and the lack of leadership and governmental response created stressful situations for all residents of New Orleans pre-Katrina. 

The argument is supported through various anecdotes and testimonials. The authors use quotes from various victims in order to highlight the ways in which they were affected by Katrina. Notably, Sally, a 56-year-old woman from St. Bernard Parish who was still living in a FEMA trailer 50 miles from her original residence 2 1/2 years after the storm was interviewed. She talks about the living conditions post-Katrina. She describes families being torn apart, the National Guard using unnecessary force, and dead bodies floating in the water. The authors also use statistics and facts in order to back up their point about the horrendous conditions the survivors were in post-Katrina. A psychological and anthropological analysis also helps strengthen their argument regarding chronic disaster syndrome.

1. "Despite the overwhelming need for mental health services, few residents were able to access mental health support for their symptoms, simply because health care facilities and health care personnel were so scarce. Most health personnel were themselves experiencing the trauma of displacement, and few clinical facilities survived the disaster."
2. "...in the months following Katrina, that the suicide rate had tripled..."
3. "Lakeview, a predominantly Caucasian upper-middle class community, had perhaps made the most progress in rebuilding."
4. "However, for most urban poor residents, it became clear fairly soon after the disaster that they would not be welcomed back to the city."

Through extensive data analysis and interviews, the authors were able to produce claims and formulate their argument. They used information from the NIH and other research and data already obtained to explore displacement in relation to race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and age. 

Emergency response is a vital aspect of this article. The authors highlight the ways in which lack of leadership and reaction to Katrina had devastating results. Initially, emergency response had no idea what it was dealing with. Lack of resources and personnel created great issues. Many people helped neighbors and others instead of waiting for help. Long-term discussion of emergency response is also discussed and critiqued as there were vast issues with that. Inappropriate allocation of funds and the lack of leadership created a mess for both emergency responders and the survivors. 

I was able to find that this article was cited in 51 other publications or papers. While many of the publications also discuss the shortcomings of disaster response in Katrina, others citation examples include studies involving anthropology, aging, or security issue. This article also is used as a way to highlight Katrina and how to prepare for future disasters. 

With a very long bibliography, it can be assumed that a lot of research was put into this paper in order to strengthen the argument. The authors clearly did a lot of research, citing not only governmental sources, but other researchers as well. Variety in the articles present in the bibliography can be seen.