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At the height of the West African Ebola epidemic, West African governments and Mobile Network Operators (MNOs) were barraged with requests from international humanitarian and Western data analytics agencies to provide Call Detail Record data. This data could furnish the large-scale ambitions of data modelling to track and predict contagion. Despite its utility in tracking mobility and, as such, disease, CDR’s use raises many privacy concerns. In addition, embedded within a turn towards datafication, CDR technologies for surveillance embed specific ontologies of the data-focused society they emerge from. There is a false equivalence embedded in the relationship between humans and technology. The predominantly Western idea that one phone equals one person underlines the claim that CDR data accurately tracks distinct user movements, encoding a Western “phone self-subjectivity” (Erikson 2018). However, the refusal by some African actors to hand over sensitive mobile data to international agencies was met with forceful rhetoric of Africa’s moral obligation to comply—to forgo privacy rights in the name of ‘safety.’ The Ebola context reflects an emergent digitization of emergencies in the Global South, which is reshaping the way societies understand and manage emergencies, risk, data, and technology. The big data frenzy has seen a rising demand to test novel methods of epidemic/pandemic surveillance, prediction, and containment in some of the most vulnerable communities. These communities lack the regulatory and infrastructural capacity to mitigate harmful ramifications. With this emergence is a pivot towards 'humanitarian innovation,' where technological advancements and corporate industry collaboration are foregrounded as means to enhance aid delivery. In many ways, these narratives of innovation and scale replicate the language of Silicon Valley’s start-up culture. Surveillance of the poor and disempowered is carried out under the guise and rhetoric of care. In this scenario, market ideals and data technologies (re)construe social good as dependent on the “imposition of certain unfreedoms” as the cost of protection (Magalhaes and Couldry 2021). As big data technologies, they foreground a convergence of market logistics and global networks with existing and already problematic international humanitarian infrastructures (Madianou 2019). These convergences create new power arrangements that further perpetuate an unequal and complex dependency of developing countries on foreign organizations and corporations. Pushback against these data demands showcases competing notions of where risk truly lies. While resistance to data demands was at the state level, community responses to imposed epidemic regulations ranged from non-compliance to riots. These resistances demonstrated how the questions of ‘who and what is a threat?’ or ‘who and what is risky?’ and ‘to whom?’ experience shifting definitions in relation to these technologies as global, national, and community imaginaries are reinforced and reproduced as cultural, political, as well as biological units. 

Source

Akinwumi, Adjua. 2023. "Technological care vs Fugitive care: Exploring Power, Risk, and Resistance in AI and Big Data During the Ebola Epidemic." In 4S Paraconference X EiJ: Building a Global Record, curated by Misria Shaik Ali, Kim Fortun, Phillip Baum and Prerna Srigyan. Annual Meeting of the Society of Social Studies of Science.

(MNOs) were barraged with requests from international humanitarian and Western data analytics agencies to provide Call Detail Record data. This data could furnish the large-scale ambitions of data modelling to track and predict contagion. Despite its utility in tracking mobility and, as such, disease, CDR’s use raises many privacy concerns. In addition, embedded within a turn towards datafication, CDR technologies for surveillance embed specific ontologies of the data-focused society they emerge from. There is a false equivalence embedded in the relationship between humans and technology. The predominantly Western idea that one phone equals one person underlines the claim that CDR data accurately tracks distinct user movements, encoding a Western “phone self-subjectivity” (Erikson 2018). However, the refusal by some African actors to hand over sensitive mobile data to international agencies was met with forceful rhetoric of Africa’s moral obligation to comply—to forgo privacy rights in the name of ‘safety.’ The Ebola context reflects an emergent digitization of emergencies in the Global South, which is reshaping the way societies understand and manage emergencies, risk, data, and technology. The big data frenzy has seen a rising demand to test novel methods of epidemic/pandemic surveillance, prediction, and containment in some of the most vulnerable communities. These communities lack the regulatory and infrastructural capacity to mitigate harmful ramifications. With this emergence is a pivot towards 'humanitarian innovation,' where technological advancements and corporate industry collaboration are foregrounded as means to enhance aid delivery. In many ways, these narratives of innovation and scale replicate the language of Silicon Valley’s start-up culture. Surveillance of the poor and disempowered is carried out under the guise and rhetoric of care. In this scenario, market ideals and data technologies (re)construe social good as dependent on the “imposition of certain unfreedoms” as the cost of protection (Magalhaes and Couldry 2021). As big data technologies, they foreground a convergence of market logistics and global networks with existing and already problematic international humanitarian infrastructures (Madianou 2019). These convergences create new power arrangements that further perpetuate an unequal and complex dependency of developing countries on foreign organizations and corporations. Pushback against these data demands showcases competing notions of where risk truly lies. While resistance to data demands was at the state level, community responses to imposed epidemic regulations ranged from non-compliance to riots. These resistances demonstrated how the questions of ‘who and what is a threat?’ or ‘who and what is risky?’ and ‘to whom?’ experience shifting definitions in relation to these technologies as global, national, and community imaginaries are reinforced and reproduced as cultural, political, as well as biological units. 

Akinwumi, Adjua. 2023. "Technological care vs Fugitive care: Exploring Power, Risk, and Resistance in AI and Big Data During the Ebola Epidemic." In 4S Paraconference X EiJ: Building a Global Record, curated by Misria Shaik Ali, Kim Fortun, Phillip Baum and Prerna Srigyan. Annual Meeting of the Society of Social Studies of Science. Honolulu, Hawai'i, Nov 8-11.

The Community Air Protection Program Online Resource Center is "a one-stop shop to obtain data, guidance, and tools to support improving air quality at the community scale. The Resource Center serves as a centralized repository of information and resources for use by community members, air districts, and the public. It will be continuously updated as new documents, materials, and data become available."

See this recording and supporting documents for CARB's AB 617 Consultation Group Meeting on February 26, 2020.

"The AB 617 Consultation Group includes individuals representing environmental justice organizations, air districts, industry, academia, public health organizations, and local government. Consultation Group meetings provide an opportunity to discuss of various aspects of Community Air Protection Program implementation. Consultation Group meetings complement additional outreach and consultation efforts through a variety of forums including public workshops, community meetings, and discussions with individual organizations and stakeholders."

Since its foundation in the mid 1960's, CARB has produced 0ver 2500 fact sheets, reports, datasets, or other forms of information on the state of air pollution in California, on its public health impacts, and on strategies for reducing this pollution and improving public health. See this link to their repository.

Some recent research, data, or other information relevant to our work in Santa Ana includes the AB 617 Statewide Strategy Summary - Q1-2021 Archive, Health Analysis Project,  2022 Advanced Clean Fleets Regulation - Proposed Drayage Truck Requirements, Understanding the Sources and Formation Regimes of Present-day PM2.5 to Mitigate Particulate Pollution in California, California’s 2022 Climate Change Scoping Plan Fact Sheet, Research on Health Effects of Air Pollution, and Research on Environmental Justice.

Relevant ongoing research includes a Study of Pollution Exposure and Life Expectancy Across Time in Different Generations in California.

"CARB establishes state air quality regulations which protect public health by addressing all major sources of smog-forming air pollution, and other forms of air pollution. As a result, cars today are 99 percent cleaner than in the 1970s, resulting in less air pollution overall, shorter hospital stays and fewer days missed from school and work due to respiratory and cardiopulmonary diseases.

California regulations, based on extensive research and sound science, have driven innovation, leading to significant technological developments such as the catalytic converter (which helped slash ozone by 60 percent), and the production of highly marketable low- and zero-emission cars and trucks, and cleaner fuels.

The Global Warming Solutions Act of 2006 (Nunez) expanded CARB’s role to development and oversight of California’s main greenhouse gas reduction programs. These include cap-and-trade, the Low Carbon Fuel Standard and the zero-emission vehicle (ZEV) programs. As a result of these efforts, the state is on track to roll back carbon emissions to 1990 levels by 2020. With the passage of additional laws (such as SB 32 in 2014 and AB 398 in 2017), CARB is now mapping out how these programs and others can help California reach its next target: reducing greenhouse gas emissions an additional 40 percent below 1990 levels by 2030. The ultimate goal for California is to reduce greenhouse gases 80 percent below 1990 levels by 2050."

CARB is made up 16 Board members, 12 of whom are appointed by the Governor and approved by the State Senate.  Out of these 12 board members, the Chair, is the only full-time member. The governor may appoint any board member as the chair. As for the rest, six serve on local air districts, four work to shape air quality rules, and two are "public members." Two of the remaining four board members are appointed by the Senate and Assembly to represent environmental justice committees. And two other "non voting members" are also appointed by the Senate and Assembly to serve as "legislative oversight."

CARB sits at the middle tier of the California's Environmental Protection chain of command:

• The United States Environmental Protection Agency sets nationwide air quality and emissions standards and oversees state efforts and enforcement.
• The California Air Resources Board focuses on California’s unique air quality challenges by setting the state’s own stricter emissions standards for a range of statewide pollution sources including vehicles, fuels and consumer products.
• Thirty-five local air pollution control districts regulate emissions from businesses and stationary facilities, ranging from oil refineries to auto body shops and dry cleaners.

CARB was formed through a merger of the Bureau of Air Sanitation and the California Motor Vehicle Pollution Control Board in 1967, just after Ronald Reagan signed the Mulford-Carrell Air Resources Act in August of 1967. The purpose of the organization was to better enable California to address its already considerable air pollution woes. It was discovered that exhaust from motor vehicles was the primary cause of "smog" in the 1950's. In 1966, California responded with the first tailpipe emission standards in the US. In 1970, California's clean air efforts were given extra support with the federal Clean Air Act, as the federal government gave California special permission for stricter standards to address the pollution concerns, as the state had the worst air quality in the nation.

CARB's work entailed forming partnerships between state, local, and federal government, academia, and industry to generate policy, technology, and consumer-behavior solutions to smog, and to cleaner air more generally. Air smog alerts went from 148 in 1970 to zero alerts in 2000. As smog levels have been greatly reduced, the newer focus is on Greenhouse Gas emissions and on PM2.5. This shift in focus began in the early to mid 2000's. the Global Warming Solutions Act of 2006 was signed by Schwarzenegger, to initiate this new focus for CARB.

The California Air Resources Board is one of six boards, departments, and offices under the umbrella of the California Environmental Protection Agency. CARB describes it's mission as being: "to promote and protect public health, welfare, and ecological resources through effective reduction of air pollutants while recognizing and considering effects on the economy. CARB is the lead agency for climate change programs and oversees all air pollution control efforts in California to attain and maintain health-based air quality standards."

"CARB is the primary state agency responsible for actions to protect public health from the harmful effects of air pollution. From guiding the activities of 35 local air pollution control districts, to leading our states efforts to address global climate change, the CARB has pioneered many of the approaches now used worldwide to address air quality problems."

Given that their entire focus in on air pollution, CARB has numerous programs that work towards different aspects of distaster and environmental justice. On their page describing their work, CARB highlights three current "topics" of focus and three current "programs. These topics include health, zero-emission transportation systems, and environmental justice. Under health, CARB has resurces for the public to understand the health risks posed by pollution. They also have resources and information about how you can better protect yourself. Lastly, CARB also discusses their work to assess and set outdoor air quality standards that "set air pollutant levels that can be present outdoors without harming the public's health." Under Zero-Emission Transportation, CARB lists current regulations on tailpipe emissions for cars, motorcycles, and heavy duty trucks, as well information on zero-emission transportations options and incentives for EV purchases. Under Environmental Justice, CARB Links to resources and information available on their Community Air Grant program, which "provide[s] support for community-based organizations to participate in the AB 617 process, and to build capacity to become active partners with government to identify, evaluate, and ultimately reduce air pollution and exposure to harmful emissions in their communities." They also link to their Community Air Protection Program,  Environmental Justice Advisory Committee, and Environmental Justice Blog.