Analyze

Permitted Facilities: Through the CalEPA Regulated Site Portal we can easily identify regulated facilities from five state databases and two federal databases. Data collected from agencies such as: U.S. EPA, State Water Boards, CalEPA, and Department of Toxic Substances Control. These sites are regulated due to their potential hazard to local communities. Health impact depends on the facility. 1,957 regulated facilities in Santa Ana according to databases listed above.

RMP Facilities: RMP (Risk Management Plan) facilities are managed by the CalARP program. These sites contain large amounts of extremely hazardous state regulated chemicals. These chemicals are regulated by the state due to their potential risk to the public. Gallade’s three sites in Santa Ana have high quantities of regulated chemicals. 2 RMPs in Santa Ana, Gallade Chemical Inc. is an RMP half a mile from Madison Park. Has not been inspected in three years. The BEHR Standard facility is the second RMP facility.

Metal Plating Facilities: Metal plating facilities use hexavalent chromium through the electroplating process and stainless steel production. Hexavalent Chromium can be released as an aerosol through chrome plating processes. “…hexavalent chromium should be considered a human carcinogen for which there is no safe threshold exposure level.”(California Air resources Board. 2022). There 112 metal plating facilities in Santa Ana that are regulated by the state. Majority of these regulated facilities are located in South East Santa Ana.

 Hexavalent Chromium Info links:

• Hexavalent Chromium - Overview | Occupational Safety and Health Administration (osha.gov)

• Hexavalent Chromium Factsheet (nih.gov)

Homeless shelter and support center: https://www.ocregister.com/2022/07/22/motorcycle-club-brings-hope-and-harleys-to-homeless-shelter. 

Is this center considered an asset by residents, or -- as in many places -- did they contest its presence in Santa Ana given so many other stresses there? 

From my notes taken during the MPNA-GREEN and UCI EcoGov Lab event on June 4, 2022

• Downtown Santa Ana (DTSA) Art Walk: "community-based arts showcase across downtown Santa Ana from 6pm-10pm on the First Saturday of each month." The showcase exhibits artists from the Santa Ana and wider OC community 
• Comunidad Unida Aire Limpio (Comité CUAL): One of the first of its kind in Southern California, this community monitoring air network in Santa Ana established as a grant by the California Air Resources Board has a network of over twenty Dylos air monitors which offer air quality data to residents for environmental justice characterization. 
• Community Resource Fairs & Walkathons: MPNA has hosted community resource fairs and walkathons, such as the 15th Annual Madison Park Neighborhood Association Walk-A-Thon in 2017. According to the resident who shared picture of a community resource fair, these events offer opportunities for entire families to exercise, bike, and walk, and overall having a festive time. 
• The Frida Cinema: Orange County's only non-profit arthouse and independent theater. The Cinema has a long history of partnering with social and environmental justice organizing for community mobilization. 
• Santa Ana Movies in the Park: "The Santa Ana Movies in the Park series will take place every Wednesday, beginning June 8 through August 31, 2022 at various City parks throughout Santa Ana. Pre-movie festivities will begin at 5:30 p.m. and will include exhibitors, jumpers, and arts and crafts for kids. Movie screenings will begin promptly at dusk. Free popcorn will be provided to the first 500 guests each night, while supplies last. Food vendors will also be offering affordable and delicious dinner and dessert options. The series is free to attend."
• ALMA Science Academy: "Aspire, Learn, Mentor & Achieve (ALMA) Science Academy is a STEM education and mentorship program for under-resourced Santa Ana youth grades 4-6". 
• Santa Ana College: Opened in 1915 for students from Santa Ana High School, this fourth oldest community college in California serves over 18,000 undergraduate students. 

Linked below is a data analysis on the CalEPA Regulated Facilities Portal, click on my annotation to view full analysis.

CalEPA Regulated Facilities Portal: Data Analysis | Disaster STS Network (disaster-sts-network.org)

"What does the lack in prominence of environmental coverage in German TV tell us about the general state of environmental journalism in Germany? It is almost impossible to draw con- clusions based on hard facts and numbers.There is no national organization of professionals in the media dealing with this topic like the Society of Environmental Journalists in the USA, for instance.That means there are also no statistics about how many editors, reporters, or producers would count themselves as environmental journalists; nobody is keeping track. Communications scholars, when asked about the number of environmental journalists in Germany, reply with: “That’s something I would also like to know; tell me if you find out.”There is no formal educa- tion, and only a few training opportunities are offered for established writers and editors who want to specialize in the field. In recent years, some well-qualified and experienced reporters on newspapers with influential voices have departed (or been made to depart) the publishing houses or even journalism per se, leaving a noticeable gap." (Schrader 2020)

"Summarizing, environmental journalism in Germany appears to be in a transition phase. Many traditional media and press outlets are struggling to keep their business model or find a new one. And reporting on air quality, biodiversity, or the climate beyond their often-superficial implications for national politics is not high on the list of priorities. Much of the work might be shifting to online publishing in new contexts and organizations, but those are still forming and far from settled."

TS: Kirsch discusses two international networks focused on the mining industry. Looking at these networks, particularly their organizational forms and histories offers comparative perspective on networks that have formed around Formosa Plastics and related industry. The analysis also illuminates how networks fit within Kirsch' framework of the "politics of space" and "politics of time". 

The first organizatin is the US-based Global Mining Campaign, with membership from over 40 countries. Kirsch argues that due to its "top-down" approach, the network didn't last long (2014, 194). The initative was focusing on blocking new mining projects, and is therefore representative of the politics of time (ibid).

The second organization is the Mines and Communities network, which he describes as a horizontal network where participants can contribute information about affected communities. He notes that unlike the top-down approaches, this organizational form seems more in line with the desire of activists. A search for Formosa Plastics on the website turns up newspaper articles about the Formosa Steel disaster in Vietnam.

He further elaborates:

"The signature contribution of the Mines and Communities network has been its ability to track and analyze the strategies of the mining industry, information that is posted on its website (www.minesandcommunities.org). Other mining websites tend to focus on specific mining projects, companies, or countries; technologies such as mountaintop removal; or particular commodities, such as coal, diamonds, or gold. The Mines and Communities website provides a more comprehensive overview of the mining industry by drawing on regional materials submitted and reviewed by its members, who contribute important contextual information and analysis. Participation in the editorial process for the website has been a two-way street for network members, enhancing the content posted on the website while providing the editors with a valuable comparative perspective on the mining industry. Although the original objective of the website was to provide information that could be used by indigenous communities affected by mining projects, it largely failed to reach its target audience" (2014, 196-7).

Kirsch states that the website is mostly frequentd by academics and other researchers, rather than affected communities. Based on my reading, I'm not sure why that is, but it raises questions about the "target audience" of the Formosa Plastics Archive. 

TS: According to Kirsch, an important strategy of a politics of time is centred around distributing information to affected communities. In his words, this includes "accelaration of the learning curve of communities facing the prospect of a new mining project" (2014, 192). He provides terms to characterize different approaches, as well as their shortcomings:

"NGOs have employed a variety of means to reduce the disparity in access to information between mining companies and local communities. The most common strategy for achieving this goal is the vertical transfer of information from metropolitan NGOs to rural communities by sharing materials about comparable mining projects or the track record of the relevant mining company. NGOs also facilitate horizontal information sharing between communities facing similar challenges (Appadurai 2002); this may involve sponsoring visits by local leaders or community representatives to comparable mining sites or attendance at conferences where they can learn about the experiences of other communities affected by mining. [...] NGOs also exploit new opportunities provided by the Internet to share information with people from communities affected by mining, although these efforts are constrained by both the problems of translation and the persistence of the digital divide. Nevertheless, NGO reports are generally more accessible to the public than academic publications, the digital forms of which are ordinarily locked behind expensive paywalls. And the information gap is shrinking as a result of increased attention to mining conflicts by traditional news media, as well as by new social media, including electronic mailing lists, websites, and online video." (Kirsch 2014, 193).

TS: The text "compares two different kinds of political movement. The first example is the politics of space, which makes use of resourcesthat are geographically distributed. It strives to create oppositional power through the development of extensive transnational alliances. The second is the politics of time, which pursues alternative strategies focused on the prevention of industrial activities that are almost certain to cause harm—activities that become very difficult to halt once set in motion given the huge capital investments they entail and the economic resources they provide to the state and other parties. The politics of space was characteristic of much of the environmental activism that emerged in the 1990s, which often addressed problems after the fact. In contrast, the politics of time leads to more hopeful forms of intervention given its potential to prevent harm from occurring" (Kirsch 2014, 226).

Kirsch notes that the recautionary principle is an example of the politics of time as discussed in his ethnography (Kirsch 2014, 260).