Analyze

The history of racialized exclusion to both social power and land tenure and homeownership has shaped how bodies are differentially impacted by land use in NOLA. This entire history could (and probably already is) a topic for a dissertation, but one case I found particularly interesting involved the Army Corps of Engineers' 2007 creation of an online database in which residents can find the "flood potential" faced by their homes (http://nolarisk.usace.army.mil/ --unfortunately no longer up).  While this database was hailed as a landmark achievement in providing NOLA residents with their "right to know" about the risks in their neighborhoods, only a few remarked on what the data actually showed: that in the two years following the flood predominantly white neighborhoods had experienced 4-6 feet of flood reduction, black neighborhoods had experienced little to no flood reduction whatsoever. 

This reminds me of a more general entanglement of racialized disparities, historical disinvestment and inequitable distribution of risk in America, which as Anna Clark so summarily puts it (in respect lead": "lead is one toxic legacy in America's cities. Another is segregation, redlining, and rebranding: this is the art and craft of exclusion. We built it into the bones of our cities as surely as we laid lead pipes."  

One interesting example of land use education that I found is the Whitney Plantation Museum in Wallace, LA--about an hour north of New Orleans proper and right on the banks of the Mississippi River. The museum is, according to its website, "the only plantation museum in Louisiana with an exclusive focus on the lives of enslaved people." The 2,000 acre property was once a sugarcane plantation that operated from 1752 until well into the 19th century, with over 350 enslaved persons working on it during this period. 

The museum was founded in 2014 by John Cummings, who has spent more than $8 million of his own fortune on this long-term project, and worked on it for nearly 15 years.[ The director of research is Ibrahima Seck, a Senegalese scholar who has done much work on the history of slavery. These two seem to be the primary organizers of education in the musuem which focuses on how land in the Lower Mississippi was organized towards the cultivation of Sugar. 

Right off the bat, it is interesting that this museum is completely financed by a private citizen. I've looked up other plantation museums in the region and for the most part they see to all be privately run. Also, contrast the focus on slavery at Whitney to the Oak Alley plantation museum's celebration of a family legacy of sugar planters: "Hold fast to that which is good...."

The question of data relates to Denise Brock’s key role in the passage of the Energy Employees Occupational Illness Compensation Program Act (EEOICPA). Brock independently collected thousands of documents related to the health of  workers in nuclear facilities like Weldon Spring in her efforts to show that they had been exposed to pathological levels of radiation. In many cases, their employers were fully aware of the dangers these workers faced, but kept this information to themselves or hidden away in the private documents that Denise uncovered decades later. Prior to Denise's work this information was not publically available, and if workers who had become ill wanted to receive compensation for worksite expose, they would have to undergo exposure reconstruction assessments, which--due to the lack of accurate and available data--were imperfect evaluations of the actual levels of radiation workers had been exposed to. Due to Denise's advocacy, which led to the passage of the EEOICPA, workers at nuclear facilities are exempted from the exposure reconstruction assessments and are eligible for compensation payments up to a maximum amount of $250,000, plus medical expenses for accepted conditions.

Denise's experience raises a few questions and reflections on data in the Anthropocene:

•  Issues like worksite and environmental exposure are often plagued by invisibilities and what STS scholars have referred to as "agnotologies"--where can activists/scholars/any interested party gain access to relevant data in relation to these issues (in a similar fashion to Denise's work)?
• For historians in particular: do the thousands of documents Denise complied consitute an archive? How can these and similar archival practices be Anthropocenic strategies? 

Project managers at the Army Corps of Engineers are not concerned with the Anthropocene. Their job at SLAPS and other FUSRAP sites revolves around a different contestable term: remediation. What exactly does Anthropocenic remediation look like in St. Louis? As the ACoE project managers informed us, remediation consists of removing contimated soil and shipping it to approved waste management sites in Michigan, Kentucky and Ohio. It would be interesting to further investigate how ACoE practices of remediation have historically been shaped.

Dr. Schmid supports her point of view by discussing the flaws in the current system, such as how responses tend to only cause reforms at an organizational level rather than internationally. She also discusses how incorporating civilian education can help ease fears and improve how civilians react to incidents. Finally, she mentions various agencies that could organize international nuclear response, supporting her argument that it is possible bring together more people that just those who are technically elite.

"The poor are the natural constituents of public health, and physicians, as Virchow argued, are the natural attorneys of the poor."

"Because of contact with patients, physicians readily appreciate that largescale social forces—racism, gender inequality, poverty, political violence and war, and sometimes the very policies that address them—often determine who falls ill and who has access to care."

"The term “structural violence” is one way of describing social arrangements that put individuals and populations in harm's way"

Andrew Lakoff is an associate professor of anthropology, sociology, and communication at the University of Southern California, Berkeley. He expertise lies in the anthropology of science and medicine and the implications of biomedical innovations. He does not appear to be professionally situated in emergency response. He has only written on book on a macro scale titled, "Disaster and the Politics of Intervention," but he appears to have no further association or expertise in the field.

Stephen J. Collier is the chair of the Graduate Program in International Affairs at the New School in New York City. He is an expert in economic regulation, social welfare, and emergency management in Russia, the Republic of Georgia, and in the United States. He is currently researching the emergence of vital systems security in disaster policy, homeland security, and infrastructure protection. In this manner, he is related with emergency response. He also has a number of publications listed on his CV in relation to disaster response.

They have produced a number of articles which can be found here: http://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/our-work/medical-research

A few of the recent highlights are articles that discuss the impacts of masss vaccination campaigns, how to care for victims of sexual violence, and what effect ready to use food can offer in a nutritional emergency.

This program receives its money from taxpayers in the State of New York. The College was allocated $15 million dollars for its formation by Governor Cuomo, and has been incorporated into SUNY Albany.

This report includes a glossary, a summary of the report and situation in Colombia, recommendations from HRW which address education, health needs, and the ability to return home, a section discussing the internal displacement in Colombia, registration and humanitarian assistance, a section discussing access to education, and a section which discusses access to public health services. The report concludes with a list of acknowledgements and a listing of other HRW reports on Colombia.