Skip to main content

Analyze

Ocean in Amis culture

sharonku

Did you scan the photos and write down the lyrics?

These are important artifacts that carries memories and stories belong to the grandma and her generation, for instance, their relationship with the ocean, fishery and seafood, etc. 

https://ubrand.udn.com/ubrand/story/12116/4095581

How do they maintain such relationship in the urban setting? What is the meaning of sea to them after living in Hsinchu for decades? Do they feel the difference between the sea in Hsinchu and inTaidung? Why?

Songs as artifacts

sharonku

There are manu artifacts mentioned in your fieldnote--songs, stories, fishing tools, grocery stores, etc. How do you analyze these artifacts--why and how were they constructed, used? What are the social, economic, cultural meanings/functions of these artifacts? And how have these artifacts helped construct the sense of place and identity of the Naluwan people?

the psychological and material aspects of "home" and "being at home"

sharonku

What does "home" mean for the Amis? Do material infrastructures play a role in defining the meaning and perception of home? What is the role of Amis women in maintaining the household?

https://wcoh.nttu.edu.tw/var/file/31/1031/img/192/198393977.pdf

https://kjmu.org.tw/%E9%98%BF%E7%BE%8E%E6%97%8F%E5%82%B3%E7%B5%B1%E5%BB…

Place, memories and governance

sharonku

Interestingly you point out the linear (seeing from the State) vs nonlinear (seeing from the community) dimension. Comparing to Singapore, where government has more authority and coherent plan on urban planning, the Naluwan's experience seems to suggest a different form of governance between the government and the local society. In your prompts, you mentioned Singaporean government's urban planning to create fair housing, greeneries, as well as ethnic policies on promoting integration. I am curious about how you would describe "the sense of community and place" constructed by the top-down authority, comparing to the disordered, spontanious, bottom-up self-assembly mode we saw in Naluwan

songs as artifacts

sharonku

1. Songs as artifacts, 

2. Faith in God enables their forgiveness: how does the belief in God and in Amis ancestor co-exist? (阿美人有祖靈概念嗎?)

3. 遷徙的過程: 從美山,新莊到新竹,從打漁到打零工,這一路轉換對阿嬤個人,她的家庭以及部落代表著什麼?以及這段小歷史如何被鑲嵌在大歷史的脈絡中?

Landfill mixed media

GraceKatona

Danielle Koonce in an Opinion piece in the Fayetteville Observer, states...

"And it’s not just household garbage coming in — chemical waste and coal ash has also been disposed of in the Sampson County landfill."

"We listened to community members share how they can no longer garden or enjoy the outdoors due to the thick odor and fumes from the landfill."

"We learned that the landfill receives trash from around the state, from as far away as New York City, and even trash that comes in on ship-barges through Wilmington."

While Bryan Wuester, manager for the Sampson County Landfill states in the Sampson Independent...

"The Sampson landfill accepts waste from North Carolina only, about 5,450 tons from 16 different counties a day."

"The landfill accepts three kinds of waste: construction and demolition materials, solid waste and special waste, which are byproducts of industry. No coal ash comes into the Sampson facility..."

These are two different stories of the landfill coming from two different stakeholders, one in which needs the landfill to be in operation for a job and the other a concerned citizen worried about the disproportional impacts her community faces. While Danielle Koonce listens to the realities of the community members located around the landfill who express concern and worry, the landfill manager denies these realities and insists they are not true. This is not only invaliding to the community members who are fighting to get their voices heard but further embeds environmental injustice into the community.