Analyze

Mitigation, Extremes, and Water

weather_jen
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META: Water seems to be one important medium through which NOLA envisions the “impacts” of the Anthropocene—scarcity, abundance, temporalities and spatial distributions, management of, and hazards that emerge in its context. Less is said about the causal or attributional aspects of the Anthropocene. How might water function as an entry point into the assemblages of local anthropocenics?

I found the NOLA Hazard Mitigation Plan for 2018, which frames the impacts of the Anthropocene as an intersection of weather extremes amid climate change and evolving vulnerabilities of its people. Four of seven items in the executive summary note water as central to local interventions: flood awareness, flood repair, flood mitigation, flood infrastructure. Too much water or water in the wrong places and the aftereffect of water on infrastructure and lives. One expression, then, is preparedness.

MACRO: Mitigation is an interesting analytic for the Anthropocene. In the US mitigation plans are shaped by the 1988 Stafford Act (which amended the 1974 Disaster Relief Act). Constraints on communities come through rules, regulations, policies, (dis)incentives, and surveillance by state and federal authorities. Much of this is bound by economic and administrative discourses.

Goals are set in this document—broken out by timelines, activities, priorities, and capabilities. Another expression is classification of anthropocenics by subfields and accounting metrics. How do we measure progress and what is deferred to the future, 5-10 years out from today, a goal that has no tangible accountability but is named and acknowledged. What are the practices of naming, responsibility, and making (in)visible in the Anthropocene?

BIO: One new initiative, Ready for Rain, in particular is of interest to me as it highlights the more neoliberal vision for how the public should self-regulate risk and mitigate harm. I hear this as an extension of a government agency program to make the nation Weather Ready. Other bullets highlight “green” buildings, energies, and infrastructures. These could be examples of how the city envisions the Anthropocene feedback loop of humans changing/planning for climate alterations, which is a fairly typical lens.

Some questions: What does the water do? What does the water know? If we trace water in all its instantiations (e.g. historical water, flow of water, chemistry of water, application of water, temperature of water), what do we learn about the future imaginaries of what NOLA will / could / ought to become?

Jen Henderson: "An age of resilience"

weather_jen
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Resilience is a term that is widely embraced by many in city management and planning. It holds the positive gloss not just of recovery but bouncing back better. To my ears, it has become one of many anthems of the Anthropocene, a kind of restrained tempo thrumming along through communities that will adapt to climate change (or seasonal-to-subseasonal climate variability post Trump). They will mitigate, innovate, transform, strategize in order to endure unanticipated shocks, both chronic and acute.

NOLA is one of 100 Resilient Cities named by the Rockefeller Foundation sometime in 2013. Like others selected across the globe, the city of New Orleans would benefit from the resources of a Chief Resilience Officer (CRO), an expert in resilience to be hired to work within city governance to develop a strategic plan; NOLA's was published in 2015. Selection of the cities for the "100 Resilient Cities" initiative was difficult, a competitive bid for resources based primarily on a city's recent experience with disaster, usually connected to a weather or climate extreme (e.g. hurricane, flood, etc). Resources were provided via the hierarchy of the CRO, sometimes to hire staff, develop training for the community, and create working groups and to write the stratetic plan. As one former directer of NOLA RC said of this opportunity provided by Katrina, the disaster that qualified NOLA for Rockefeller monies, it demonstrates the need for an the age of resilience. In what ways is resilience measured, accounted for, adjudicated and managed through or in spite of this strategic document? 

The language of resilience includes many terms that I think of as a collective imaginary of utopian preparedness, a vision for a nation that is--in the parlance of the weather prediction community in which I work--weather ready. Through the filter of resilience, then, vulnerability (another problematic term) is eradicated through individual action, community engineering, and adherance to strategic policies like 100RC. Yet how does this image of NOLA, one of "mindful citizenry" engaged in "partnerships" around the city (terms used in their summary video), match with the realities of living in NOLA, today and in the everyday future?

Resilience is also a term widely critiqued in STS and the broader social science and humanistic disciplines. For good reason. Common questions in this literature: What counts as resilience? Who decides? At what costs? Resilience against what? What does resilience elide? How has the discourse of resilience reframed individual and community accountability? What is the political economy of resilience? I'm interested in the discourses of preparedness and planning, and "the eventness" of disaster, as Scott has highlighted many times. But my concern is not just to critique and tear down concepts like resilence (or vulnerability). I worry that we then evicerate common lexicons of hope and imaginaries of the future that do some good. How are we as field campus participants and those who re-envision or reveal the quotidian reflexive? How do we triage the Anthropocene amid our own state of compromise--as scholars, participants in Capitalism, in post colonialism, humans? What are our ethical commitments? How do we make good? 

Jen Henderson: "An age of resilience"

weather_jen
Annotation of
In response to

Resilience is a term that is widely embraced by many in city management and planning. It holds the positive gloss not just of recovery but bouncing back better. To my ears, it has become one of many anthems of the Anthropocene, a kind of restrained tempo thrumming along through communities that will adapt to climate change (or seasonal-to-subseasonal climate variability post Trump). They will mitigate, innovate, transform, strategize in order to endure unanticipated shocks, both chronic and acute.

NOLA is one of 100 Resilient Cities named by the Rockefeller Foundation sometime in 2013. Like others selected across the globe, the city of New Orleans would benefit from the resources of a Chief Resilience Officer (CRO), an expert in resilience to be hired to work within city governance to develop a strategic plan; NOLA's was published in 2015. Selection of the cities for the "100 Resilient Cities" initiative was difficult, a competitive bid for resources based primarily on a city's recent experience with disaster, usually connected to a weather or climate extreme (e.g. hurricane, flood, etc). Resources were provided via the hierarchy of the CRO, sometimes to hire staff, develop training for the community, and create working groups and to write the stratetic plan. As one former directer of NOLA RC said of this opportunity provided by Katrina, the disaster that qualified NOLA for Rockefeller monies, it demonstrates the need for an the age of resilience. In what ways is resilience measured, accounted for, adjudicated and managed through or in spite of this strategic document? 

The language of resilience includes many terms that I think of as a collective imaginary of utopian preparedness, a vision for a nation that is--in the parlance of the weather prediction community in which I work--weather ready. Through the filter of resilience, then, vulnerability (another problematic term) is eradicated through individual action, community engineering, and adherance to strategic policies like 100RC. Yet how does this image of NOLA, one of "mindful citizenry" engaged in "partnerships" around the city (terms used in their summary video), match with the realities of living in NOLA, today and in the everyday future?

Resilience is also a term widely critiqued in STS and the broader social science and humanistic disciplines. For good reason. Common questions in this literature: What counts as resilience? Who decides? At what costs? Resilience against what? What does resilience elide? How has the discourse of resilience reframed individual and community accountability? What is the political economy of resilience? I'm interested in the discourses of preparedness and planning, and "the eventness" of disaster, as Scott has highlighted many times. But my concern is not just to critique and tear down concepts like resilence (or vulnerability). I worry that we then evicerate common lexicons of hope and imaginaries of the future that do some good. How are we as field campus participants and those who re-envision or reveal the quotidian reflexive? How do we triage the Anthropocene amid our own state of compromise--as scholars, participants in Capitalism, in post colonialism, humans? What are our ethical commitments? How do we make good? 

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lynn316
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The poor monority children are more with exporation dates. Neighborhoods with highly concentrated poverty have higher crime rates, higher rates of chronic illness. This extremely troubling because theses children are not riskes at birth. This extremely troubling when these children are already brought into the world with a birth defect rate higher than the national average  in almost all catagories

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lynn316
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The common nessesaties that arent given to children in the essex county ultimately handicap the community around them. All the issues directly influence the parents, and the state; because with all of these issues are things the government has a level of control over. By not trying to findd solutions so child poverty the state continues to have to fun child care, enrichment programs that are costly which we current cant afford. The quality of these programs slowly does down until they become another vulnerability themselves

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lynn316
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Vulnerability the quality or state of being exposed to the possibility of being attacked or harmed, either physically or emotionally. When dealing with the children living in poverty in essex county this is assess by whay disadvantages they are automatically supjected to by living in the area with their current socioeconomic status

Resilience the capacity to recover quickly from difficulties; toughness. This is a reveiw of what resources they hold and how they are currently dealing with the issues that they are facing

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lynn316
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A sacrifice zone or sacrifice area (often termed a national sacrifice zone or national sacrifice area) is a geographic area that has been permanently impaired by environmental damage or economic disinvestment. These zones are most commonly found in low-income and minority communities. Children that grow up near these areas are more likely to have asthma and other lung issuesd

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lynn316
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Annotate ONE of the readings assigned for the week. The reading you choose must have an asterisk next to it in the syllabus (hint: the longer readings will almost always have an asterisk). Annotations should be at least 200 words, excluding the quotes and citations. Please use the following format:

1. Citation:  ACNJ (2018, March). Newark Kids Count Report  2018 . Retrieved from Kids Count Data Center:https://acnj.org/kids-count/newark-kids-count/2. What three quotes capture the critical import of the text (include page numbers)?Newark has high rates of both. As indicated in this year’s Newark Kids Count, 37 percent of Newark families with children live under the poverty level. Additionally, Newark’s housing stock is relatively old, with 73 percent of households living in homes built before 1980, two years after lead paint was banned. The most up-to-date science recognizes that even very small amounts of lead in a child’s body can cause lifelong damage. The State of New Jersey has recognized this fact by lowering the blood lead level necessary to trigger state action, from 10 micrograms per deciliter to 5. This reflects federal CDC recommendations (ACNJ 7,2018)Importance: There was a common misconception that the issue with lead in the city of newark came from the water systems when actually it came from lead based paint. Newark is extremely old in it history  along with its housing, Some homes date back to almost three hundred years, which dates back to when leadbased paint was the only option.When a family spends too much money on rent, they have less to spend on other necessities, such as food or transportation. The 30 percent of income standard has been in use since the 1930s. 1 In 2016, 59 percent of Newark families spent a significant portion of their income on rent — far higher than the statewide figure of 49 percent. The 2016 median monthly rent for Newark residents was $1,013, just $231 less than the statewide median rent. With a median income of less than $35,000, Newark families with children face disproportionately high housing costs.(ACNJ 24,2018)Importance: The Price of housing in the city of newark economically handicaps the majority of its inhabits. When a family has to spend more than 30% of the total monthly income not only are they unable to save but also it could possible make them unable to afford other basic nessesities such a healthy non processed food, if any.Students who miss 10 percent of school days (about two days a month) are more likely to fall behind in school and not graduate on time.(ACNJ 43 ,2018)Importance: For children that come from a low income background, education for many is the only way that some are able to change their socio-economical status.3. What is the main argument of the text, AND how does the author support it?The Report starts off by giving the statistics of the demographic background of the children of newark and how the population is growing, birthrates and foreign born children. LAstly it mentions the  number of single parent homes in the area. This directly flows into the economical portion because these single parent homes account for 87% of those that live in poverty.  Then it goes into the economic scope while highlighting "Family Economic Security " and " Economically Disadvantaged Children" along with Unemployment and how it influencese children . Housing Costs and how they directly determines the remaining portions that can be alloted to Food, and the lack of Nutritional Benefits children our left with. The report mentions programs that aid to contributing nutritional  diet that impact health for example, School Breakfast.  More topics such as : education,child neglect, prenatal care4. Responses, reflections, or questions:Does HUD plan on increase the amount of affordable housing in Newark?Does Newark plan one creating a lead removal fund program for current home owners?Should Pre-K be mandartory? Would that be wise to do in Essex County and would it influence the Academic preformance?

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lynn316
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There are lots of programs currently to improve low income childrens quality of life and assist them on changing their socioeconomic status:

CCAP (Child Care Assistance Program) - Assistance for low income families working full time, in school or training full-time, or a combination equaling to full-time. Eligibility is based on income, family size, and work/school hours. 

CCVC (Child Care Voucher Centers) - Assistance for low income families that live in a selected CCVC county with a designated CCVC program. Rutgers Southern Regional CCR&R currently services Atlantic, Cumberland, and Gloucester counties with CCVC funding. The child care must be an approved CCVC center. Eligibility is based on income, family size, and work/school hours.


Kinship - Assistance for relatives caring for their relatives' children. Eligibility is based on income, family size, and work/school hours. 

CPS (Child Protection Services) - Assistance for families referred to our agency through the Department of Children Protection and Permanency (DCP&P). Eligibility is determined through DCP&P who will forward our office your information if child care is needed. 

PACC (Post Adoption Child Care) - Assistance for families who have recently adopted a child. Eligibility is based on  work hours with approval and referral from Department of Children Protection and Permanency (DCP&P).

PTCC (Post Transitional Child Care) - Assistance for low income families who are ending their second year of Transitional Child care benefits through the County Board of Social Services. Eligibility is based on income, family size, and work hours. Please contact us if you are interested in this program.

DOE/WRAP (Department of Education and Wrap Around Care) - Assistance for families who reside in an Abbott school district and whose child is 3 or 4 years old. Eligibility is based on income, family size, work/school hours, age of child needing assistance, and residency. Please contact us if you are interested in this program.