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Kingspan workers: Two workers from Kingspan, Lucas Hernandez and Israel Maldonado, detailed both their unsafe working conditions at Kingspan and the response from the company when they submitted complaints. Note that this conversation was moderated with questions from Ms. Meredith Schafer. 

Dr. Shahir Masri: Dr. Masri oversaw the air pollution monitoring at Kingspan. He used worker-collected pollution data to quantify PM2.5 levels at the plant. 

Rev. Terry LePage: Rev. LePage spoke on behalf of CLUE, a faith-based organization that has helped with Kingspan unionization efforts and written letters to Kingspan re: the pollution and safety hazard complaints.

Jose Rea: Mr. Rea spoke on behalf of MPNA-GREEN, a community group that donated the AtmoTubes used for air pollution data collection. 

Before this event I hadn’t known much about faith-based community organizing (such as CLUE), and would like to investigate more about the role of these types of organizations in local EJ efforts.

The lack of importance that Kingspan has placed on employee complaints about safe work environments suggests a lack of inbuilt methods (e.g., regular strict evaluation of workplace standards) of holding a company like Kingspan accountable for the health of their workers, despite the existence of workplace standards.

This event showed the very real ways in which large corporations directly profit from cutting corners in ways that hurt the health of their lowest-wage workers. The effort it takes to hold a company accountable for the health of their workers is immense, and while the groups present at this event are clearly making it happen, this accountability is not systematically enforced and requires individuals and relatively small organizations to impose justice.

• The need for multiple agents to commit to EJ changes like this, including many not directly affected by it. 

• The power of both local and global community organization networks in creating change. 

• Civic responsibility as a necessary catalyst for political change and attention to certain issues.

Dr. Masri presented data collected by the Kingspan workers that clearly showed levels of air pollution at the plant that were much higher than EPA allowable levels during working hours. 

The event was primarily focused on efforts by Kingspan workers and supporting parties to get Kingspan to improve working conditions, especially indoor air pollution at the plant.

Attendees included: city council members, Kingspan workers, Greenpeace, Sierra Club, Climate Action Campaign. Notably, all the primary facilitators were white. One of the Kingspan workers required a Spanish-speaking interpreter. It was implied at one point that the workers were paid minimum wage, but I am not 100% sure of this.

The event was held over Zoom (but was primarily for and about workers in Santa Ana, CA) and was organized by the Labor Network for Sustainability.

“...Toxic Wastes and Race at Twenty (Bullard et al., 2007) revealed that communities of colour and poor communities were still being used as dumping grounds for all kinds of toxic contaminants. The authors discovered evidence that the clustering of environmental hazards, in addition to single sources of pollution, presented significant threats to communities of colour. Furthermore, the research showed that polluting industries frequently singled out communities of colour in siting decisions, countering the “minority move-in hypothesis”: the claim that people of colour voluntarily move into contaminated communities rather than being targeted in situ by dirty industries.” (122)

“Bullard (1990) has highlighted the problem of “Black Love Canals” throughout the United States, where issues of environmental injustice are deeply connected with environ- mental racism. For example, Bullard highlights the case of toxic DDT water contamination in the African American community of Triana, Alabama. In 1978, in the midst of the national media attention focused on Love Canal, residents in Triana raised complaints over ill-health effects and contaminated fish and waterfowl. Lawsuits in Triana against the Olin Corporation continued throughout the 1980s. Although the case is noted within environ- mental justice histories (see Taylor, 2014), it is not widely recognized or commemorated.” (126)

“Underpinning the slow, structural violence (see Galtung, 1969; Davies, 2019) of unequal and unjust toxic exposures is the problem of “expendability” … Pellow (2018) proposes that indispensability is a key pillar of critical environmental justice studies (alongside intersectionality, scale, and state power). This idea builds on the work of critical race and ethnic studies scholar John Marquez (2014) on “racial expendability” to argue that, within a white-dominated society, people of colour are typically viewed as expendable.” (127)

“National and international media headlines followed the Flint water crisis story as it unfolded, but, after the initial shock, Flint faded from media attention. It shifted from being a spectacular disaster to a case of slow violence. This paral- lels the dynamics of public memory surrounding many toxic disasters, struggles, and legacies.” (128)