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I am wondering how the book's central concept,  "landscapes of power,"  can be used to think about energy and infrastructural projects outside the Navajo context? The four modalities of power that make up this landscape are deeply influenced by your ethnographic data, and throughout the book you emphasize the need to pay attention to the particularities of places and communities. Thus, I would surmise that other landscapes of power would consist of different configurations of modalities of power? If so, how would you advise research into these other landscapes? What would should scholars pay attention to?

What motivated the structure of the book and the use of the interludes in particular? I'd like to learn more about the decision to include them as interludes. What was the idea behind these moments of reflection that both supplement and bring a brief pause to the argument?

How has the book been received among the communities that you work with? What have been the consequences, if any, for those actors and organizations who were featured in your analysis?

I believe one of the most important aspects the book highlights towards the end of Chapter 4, through Chapter, and within the Conclusion is the idea of false environmentalism that emerges from skewed (i.e. false) science reports. Just as much as the business representatives boasting their environmentalism when building the water dam in the Philippines had hired a group of scientists to report the positive effects of carbon emissions (against those of coal), certain energy governance entities focus on similar false science. The book seems to incite a revolution in the way energy is conceptualized and governed as specifically related to the unique psychosocial, social, and traditional attachments populations have to places (Powell, 2018:160; 237; 239). In other words, building energy plants and governing them should not come at the expense of the populations who reside there (i.e. populations should not be relocated).

1. What recommendations do you have for studying vulnerable populations? What should be the focus and of what should one be careful, specifically?

2. What would you say makes the Dine and Navajo communities particularly vulnerable to government exploitation by green jobs and what would you say are some appropriate solutions to the foregoing as particularly related to the concept of the 'double whammy’ or the 'double bind'? 

3. How are, do you believe, households vulnerable to policies surrounding transformations of governance in weatherization and construction practices (if known)?

More than suggestions, I believe this text draws great parallels for discussing the interconnectedness of economic investments, energy activism, what Dr. Powell refers to as 'greening capitalism', and the right to pollute (Powell, 2018). Power is taken out of its rightful host and appropriated by larger institutions of colonization, where Indigenous nations work to produce power but don’t have the grid to use that power and are, thus, dependent of agents of capitalism in energy production (Powell, 2018). We can think about a transfusion of power moving from energy systems that exist today, to distributions of grid vulnerabilities, to the discrepancies in energy production within the Navajo nation and against their minimal consumption (Powell, 2018). In a broader outlook of the transfusion of power in energy systems, politics, and land, we can think about the process as compounding health and social vulnerabilities that affect energy and climate justice. 

"The complex “double bind” facing movements—at the same time that it faces tribal leadership—who because of colonial logics and legacies, must work both within and against the constraints of the state." (Powell, 2018: 137). This quote is particularly significant because it draws upon the previous accounts of the sovereign powers of the Tribes whilst also accounting for their interdependence on outside entities like the DOE, and other Federal institutions. It evokes the still colonial nature of the ruling entities in the United States and a consequent false sense of independence. This false sense of independence can seemingly be drawn from the disconnected and isolated energy systems present in the Navajo Nation, specifically where Dr. Powell highlights the Nation has lacking adequate access to water, electricity, paved roads and other opportunities (Powell, 2018: 115-116). The foregoing speaks quite directly to many in the Navajo Nation being energy vulnerable and lacking access to reliable utilities, day-to-day necessities, which also bridges the connections between energy vulnerability and energy rights.

Teach 3.11 was developed to serve students and general public. It allows the public to have more access to different books, teaching material, and research regarding disasters. The website was built in response to the Fukushima disaster of 2011, in order to provide "an educational space for understanding the history, memory, and context of social disasters" (Teach 3.11). The editorial team has members from different countries, reflecting the international collaboration that natural and nuclear disasters require. With it's availability in six different languages, public contribution and comments enabled on articles gives a global platform for discussion and sharing. They are currently accepting papers for their "Terms of Disaster" collection.

A quote of NRC spokesman Neil Sheehan which is, "Quite frankly, we don't have any nuclear-plant complexes where you have so many reactors packed so closely together" capture the message of the article. It shows there are no nuclear emergency plans for Indian Point Disaster. In the 10 miles radius or even 50 miles radius, there should be prepared an emergency plans and educated the resisdents about the nuclear disaster. 

Another quote "I;m not against the planning. It's where is the funding going to come from to make it happen?" of Steven Peterson, who is director of emergency management for Ulster County, N.Y.. It reveals within the 50 miles radius area provide nuclear emergency plant need federal support and guidance. Government and organisations should offer resisdents a specific emergency plants, such as evacuation and power plants. 

Joseph De Avila applied lots of quotations to show different views about the planning for Indian Point Disaster, and also applied a image of the area might be influenced by Indian Point Disaster and the emergency plants should cover. Different views of different people and represnt different counties or organisation to show the present situation of the emergency plants for Indian Point Disaster. Joseph also applied the research of different quotations to show all the education and emergency planning should support by federal government. 

The article shows there are no specific nuclear emergency plants or Indian Point Disaster. The arounding environment is densely populated and no material educational to resisdent. The situtation are illustrated by image and quotations of many different representors. The main point is as the title shows, to urges expanded emergency planning for Indian Point disaster. The important thing is federal government need to support and guide the state and organisations. 

Indian Point Energy Centre is a new power plants station in Buchanan. As well as the communities around it are without any emergency respond plants to nuclear disaster. NRC is  Nuclear Regulatory Commission, which is an organisation for the safety of nuclear power production and civilians uses for nuclear materials. In addtion, there are some representors of different communities. For example, Ben Smilowitz who is executive director of the Disaster Accountability Project, and Dutchess County’s commissioner of emergency response,Dana Smith. Some actors' words are quotated to show the main point of the article and support the author research.