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Howey and Neale’s concept of “divisible governance” (2022) enables of critical understanding of how Austin’s environmental vulnerabilities have been produced in tandem with fossil-fueled, racial-capitalist assemblages. One of the key strategies of divisible governance that these authors identify is the fragmentation and organization of space, time, and jurisdiction to obscure unjust distributions of risk and benefit across populations and scales. In Austin, Texas, contemporary efforts of organizing energy justice around energy transition are both powered by and inseparable from racial capitalism and fossil capital, or what I shall call, following Luke and Heynan (2020), petro-racial capitalism. The same logics of exclusion, marginalization, appropriation, sacrifice, and displacement that characterized and enabled the Texas oil booms and busts, and that are embedded in the state’s social, legal, and technological infrastructures, are being put towards Austin’s renewable energy transition, with unintended consequences. Even those who are explicitly critical of petro-racial capitalism find it hard to recognize and excise these logics, as they become written into the social cycles and rhythms of city life, into our forms of knowledge and self-reflection, into our bodily habits and sensitivities.

The demographic patterns that characterize Austin's contemporary racial geography were largely set into motion with the City's 1928 master plan, which designated Austin's eastern corridor as the city's industrial park as well as the segregated district for the city's Black and Brown communities. This established the legal infrastructure that would enable and justify decades of environmental racism, as the blind eye towards East Austin's racial and environmental injustices persisted throughout the 20th century. Even as more elite, white communities started to organize around the protection of locally vulnerable ecologies, green spaces, and species, since these spaces were predominantly located in west Austin, above the vulnerable Edwards Aquifer, sacrificing the health of the less charismatic Blackland Prarie to the East was seen as an acceptable, if also regrettable, compromise (Walsh 2007). It wasn't until the 1990's, when East Austin's own communities learned of the toxins their communities had been exposed to on a daily basis that this began to change. PODER (People Organized in Defense of Earth's Resources) formed soon after, and worked to rid their communities of these risks as well as to rezone their communities to prevent further exposures in the future.

On top from local pollutants, East Austin's environmental vulnerability is also related to infrastructural inequality. For instance, during the 2021 Texas Power Crisis, which ensued in the wake of winter storm Uri, East Austin was subjected to a disproportionate number and duration of outages, when compared to areas of the city. Following up on numerous reports of this kind of racially biased distributions of risk during the blackouts, a study by Carvallo and colleagues provides empirical evidence of the degree to which people of color were disadvantaged (Carvallo et al. 2021). The authors identify a general lack of publicly available data on the locations of blackouts, especially at a granularity that would allow scholars, activists, and other interested persons to make correlations to the racial makeup of these communities, or other important demographic factors. Mirroring the argument of Howey and Neale (2022), the authors argue that this lack of data and lack of access to data plays an important role in mystifying--and therefore reproducing--the material conditions that underwrite structural racism in the United States. Controlling for both income level and the presence/absence of critical infrastructure, they found that communities of color were four times as likely to experience an outage than predominantly white communities. Furthermore, they argue that current rationales for explaining the locations and distributions of blackouts cannot account for this finding, suggesting the need for further research into how and where racial bias has been baked into the energy system and its methods and strategies of emergency response.

The Texas Power Crisis also points back to deeper seated issues related to the structure and operation of Texas' power grid and energy market, which was designed operate at the brink of failure, in order to keep average costs low and maximize the potential for profits during high "pricing events." Unlike many other Independent System Operators (ISO), which often combine energy markets with capacity markets to ensure greater grid reliability, the Electric Reliability Council of Texas (ERCOT) uses the price signals of the energy market alone to manage grid reliability. For instance, PJM (another ISO, operating in the northeastern US) has a capacity market that projects and procures the projected amount of energy needed three years in advance of the day it will be delivered. In doing so, they are typically over-budget by about 21%, creating a substantial safety reserve. The costs of this reserve are then recovered through the charges made to ratepayers through their monthly bills.

In Texas, there is no such capacity market. Instead, Texas manages it's marginal reserve by taking the full capacity for energy production in the state and subtracting the projected "peak demand." This "energy only" market, as it is often called, means that energy operators are only paid for the energy they put into the market at the price reflected by the energy demand at that precise time. This creates a volatile market in which energy prices fluctuate wildly, with the final cap set at a whopping $9,000 per kilowatt hour (for comparison, the average price is about $28 per kWh). Accordingly, this creates a supremely tough environment for planning in to the future at all, especially in regard to the timing of new construction projects, facility maintenance, and other such investments. By contrast, capacity markets allow for a steady, fixed stream of income from ratepayers that can be budgeted and invested over an extended period. Thus, there is a real sense in which the Texas energy market dissuades power generators from attending to maintenance issues or for investing in things like winter weatherization, which will be expensive, hard to recoup, and (especially for many Texas generators) only necessary for a handful of days every few years.

Usually, Texas' reserve hovers at about 12-15%, which is about the same as ERCOT's neighboring ISOs. However, there is another marked difference between Texas and these other ISOs: a notable lack of interconnections. For instance, in an emergency or a power shortage of some kind, both the Southwest Power Pool and Midcontinent ISO have substantial capacity for electricity to flow between these otherwise independent control areas. ERCOT, by contrast has only a handful of DC ties to other systems, with very limited capacity to bring in or send out energy across these interconnections. In that sense, the Texas grid operates more like an "island system," like Hawaii, or New Zealand, which do not have the option of bringing in power from elsewhere. This forces these island control areas to operate with a substantial reserve, almost double that of Texas' 12-15%.

So, why doesn't Texas interconnect? Well, that has to do with the long-held value for independence. Because, by limiting these cross-state interconnections, Texas has been able to avoid federal oversight, offering the state an impressive amount of political autonomy over its power system. However, in a paradoxical way, this very "Texan" desire for autonomy at the federal level, to be even "more autonomous" than the rest, combined with the emphatic preference to govern through market in order to keep prices low, has actually restricted Texas capacity, at the state level and below, to ensure safe, affordable, and especially equitable access to electricity; a fact made most evident during the 2021 crisis. 

Within the ERCOT's "island" grid and energy market, Austin Energy serves as another, different kind of "island." That is, unlike many competitive regions in Texas, Austin's utility is municipally owned and operated. This effectively means that Austin Energy has a monopoly on electricity provision within their service area, which they are in charge of managing under the direction of Austin's City Council. This structure enables Austin more democratic control over the way they produce, distribute, and consume electricity, allowing for planning processes like the Resource Generation and Climate Protection Plan, which generates goals and guidelines for the utility to follow in performing the city's transition to renewable energy.

However, despite this democratic control at the retail level, Austin Energy must still operate within the ERCOT market at the "wholesale" level. That is, first and foremost, Austin Energy produces and sells electricity into the ERCOT market at the current market price. They then buy this electricity back from ERCOT in order to finally sell this electricity to their customers. Because of this, there is only a round-about, and somewhat fictitious sense in which Austin produces its own electricity. And, importantly, it also means that Austin Energy, like all power generators in ERCOT, are subjected to the Texas energy market's renowned price volatility, increasing the financial risks of investing in new infrastructure, like renewable energy. Thus, there is a very real sense in which the utility and, by proxy, City Council are forced to adopt or at least factor in capitalist logics and strategies into their energy transition planning.

As a result, even superficially democratic energy transition planning processes end up being overly technocratic. Take, for example, the Resource Planning Working Group, which brings in appointed "representatives" of the Austin community to discuss various transition goals, strategies, and scenarios in order to settle on a set of recommended updates to the City's ten-year Resource Generation and Climate Protection plan. While this group proudly operated by what they referred to as “consensus,” this largely translated into the use of the market as the dominant logic for resolving any differences in values or perspective back to identity, back to “the bottom line” if you will. See, for example, this discussion taken from my field notes during one of the Resource Planning Working Group meetings, in which participants were debating the pros and cons of a new, market-based approach to carbon reduction:

Charles (CFO of Austin Energy): If the scenario does what it says, what is the push for the other scenarios? Because this scenario removes carbon faster than all the others, and it does so safely and affordably.
...
Cary (Chair of the RPWG): Kaiba, I think if you massage it and understand this plan a little better, you’ll like it.
Kaiba (Local environmentalist): "Massage it, or understand it? Because I could massage it into something better... My point is that you do not have a column, or rating system for local economic benefits besides PSA [i.e. the costs forwarded to ratepayers] and for establishing an energy democracy. I understand that is not the priority of the utility, but it is for us. There are values that are not being reflected here."
...
Charles: On social benefits and detriments... Some of the things proposed, the low-income people are not going to be able to handle this. People who rent can’t add solar. Those things, as the models show, are not the best for … [in a more frustrated tone] What we are trying to do here? Are we trying to advance solar, or are we trying to decrease carbon? If we are trying to decrease carbon, this plan does that, and it does it affordably. It is not doing it through added solar or DR [demand response]; it is doing it though.

One notable feature of this discourse is that, even as it pertains to equity, the discussion focuses on the producers and the consumers of energy, rather than the victims of the environmental injustices engendered through this energy production. This particular feature of energy transition planning discourse relates to what Cohn has called "technostrategic language." First used to describe the language and thought of nuclear defense strategists, “technostrategic languages” represent a mode of speaking/articulation, developed alongside certain technologies, that is structured in such a way as to inhibit technocratic experts from being able to recognize and/or consider the unexpected or the wider implications of that technology and their use of it:

“Structurally, speaking technostrategic language removes [the speaker] from the position of victim and puts them in the position of the planner, the user, the actor. From that position, there is neither need nor way to see oneself as a victim; no matter what one deeply knows or believes about the likelihood of nuclear war, and no matter what sort of terror or despair the knowledge of nuclear war's reality might inspire, the speakers of technostrategic language are positionally allowed, even forced, to escape that awareness, to escape viewing nuclear war from the position of the victim, by virtue of their linguistic stance as users, rather than victims, of nuclear weapone” (Cohn 1987, 706).

The language used in the Working Group discussion similarly positions the planners as the users of fossil fuels (and/or renewables), rather than those who were dealing with the pollution they produce, rather than those who deal with climate change. Even when they considered "equity," it was in equitable "use" of the fossil fuels, or making sure you could access this energy at an equitable price. There wasn't a consideration for which of Austin Energy's assets were harming local ecologies and populations the most. It was only ever some vague sense that carbon is causing climate change and more extreme weather "for all of us."

In a later moment, during a discussion of "asset substitution," or, the very real problem that, due to the structure of the Texas market, if Austin Energy shuts down one of their dirtiest facilities, it may bring an even dirtier facility online elsewhere, resulting in a "net" loss for carbon reduction in Texas. To this, Kaiba responded by suggesting that it might still "send a market signal," which could end up greening the grid over time. That's not a bad play, in this context. But, once again, it is evidence of the technostrategic language at work. Kaiba, who is an astute environmental justice advocate, adopted a way of thinking and speaking that focused on the producers and the consumers of fossil fuel and renewable energy, rather than recentering the conversation to the people of La Grange or those living near Decker Creek who have had to deal with decades of coal ash and toxic smoke, and who bear the most weight of Austin Energy’s worst polluting energy facilities.

This discussion of "technostrategic language" paves the way for one last "scale" of action/activity, affected by divisible governance, that plays into Austin's environmental vulnerability: the scale of subjectivity. In particular, certain tactics of power, like technostrategic language (Cohn 1987), keep separate the otherwise tangled and multi-dimensional fragments of our subjectivities and ethics. Take, for example, this quote by Katie Coyn, who was one of the co-chairs of Austin's Climate Equity Plan's Steering Committee.

"I just wanted to quickly talk about one more thing. I think it is important to talk about the hard points. Here is just a little anecdote. Most of our steering committee meetings I was a facilitator, trying to frame conversations. As an example of how much white supremacy culture is ingrained even in the way that I think, in the way we have been taught to think about efficiency. After George Floyd was murdered, we had a steering committee meeting the next week, and we got on, we made space at the beginning for black members to talk. And... the amount of trauma that we unpacked and listened to... was so vital for everyone to hear. But at the time, I had so much discomfort letting go of the idea that I had to get the meeting moving along. And that’s coming from someone who really cares about being empathetic to people and wanting to hear those stories. And even knowing that, I was so uncomfortable with the idea that we ended up using that entire two-hour meeting to unpack that trauma. And, I don’t know... for me that was so revealing that, you know, I think I am mindful of all these things, and I still could feel my body, uncomfortable with doing things that way."

Identifying as a politically active member of Austin's LGBTQ community, Katie sees herself as empathic, as a feminist, and a trained and committed anti-racist ally. And, in my experience, she does quite well in these regards. And yet, in this particular context, she felt the conflict, viscerally, between the demand to keep separate the time and space for grief, and the time and space for planning. She felt the pull of divisible governance, urging her to keep her identity as a feminist, her role as a ally, separate from her identity and role as a Steering Committee co-chair.

This evidences the way that divisible governance works, not only on juridical divisions, but also the way that we distinguish and purify our professional lives from our personal lives, the way critical academics take a blind eye to the problematic dynamics of their departments and universities, the way we keep our professional ethics separate from our ethical sense as a sister, an aunt, a grandmother, by keeping our training in the scientific method separate and purified from our love of literature, or of music, or philosophy, or what have you. In this way, in addition to being a technique for the production of space and time, divisible governance also produces ethics; it influences the location of the fault lines that define the contours of our ethical plateaus. The location of the lines that distinguish the categories of experience that ebable the specificity of our ethical sense, shaping the ways such plateaus align, overtake, and resist each other, producing the ethical double binds and contradictory obligations, incentives, and opportunities of energy transitions.

From its earliest settlement on through to more recent demographic booms, Austin's developers and city planners have tended to recognize the bucolic landscape surrounding the city as a significant draw that should be preserved. For this reason (along with the relative lack of mineral resources), Austinites have managed to stave off the "smokestack" approach to development, and preserve its unique ecologies, green spaces, and relatively clean air and water resources.

Despite this fact, however, not all of Austin's citizens have had equal access to these clean and green spaces. Austin's eastern corridor has long served as the city's official sacrifice zone. The City's first Master Plan in 1928 established East Austin as mixed use, serving as the zone for the city's industrial development as well as the segregated district for all of Austin's communities of color. Despite legal segregation ending with Brown v. Board in 1954, the vast majority of Austin's black and brown residents continue to live in this formerly segregated district. And the blatantly unjust mixture of industrial and residential zoning in East Austin had also persisted long after de jure segregation had ended. Thus, I would argue that Austin's environmental liberalism is, itself, and environmental hazard, as Austin's reputation for climate and ecological consiousness has masked the environmental injustices long perpetuated in the city and by the City.

Since the early 1990's, however, environmental justice groups have pressured the City to recognize and address this text-book example of environmental racism, with People Organized in Defense of Earth's Resources (PODER) being a notable leader on this front. Some significant victories include the relocation of a bulk fuel storage facility known as the "Tank Farms," a metal foundry, a waste management facility, and eventually, the re-zoning of East Austin's neighborhoods to prevent further industrial development. A few years later, PODER also successfully pressured the city to close the Holly Street Power plant which, for decades, had produced considerable noise pollution, caused local fires, and emitted high rates of nitrogen oxide that contributed to ozone. Decker Creek Power station, which is located at eastern edge of Austin's city limits, runs on natural gas, has long been a target for closure by local environmental and environmental justice organizations. This video shows an interesting look at the power plant, using different filters to render otherwise invisble pollution more legible, providing a composite picture of pollution at this site. Though, the viewer's understanding the video is hampered due to the lack of any commentary or explanation of the filters used and what they might mean. This plant was scheduled for closure in March of 2022, but there have been no updates on this closure at this time of this annotation (Nov 2022).

At a grander scale, but also much like how Austin relegated the city's environmental risks to its eastern cooridor, the City of Austin has produced environmental hazards that are more displaced from Austin's residents and cherished local landscapes and ecologies. For instance, the vast oil and gas resources controlled by UT Austin, the flagship university of the University of Texas system, have long been deployed to aquire or develop infrastructure to attract high-tech industry to the city. And the map of these oil and gas leases correlates strongly with the highest rates of cancer risk due to air pollution in the state. The City's public utilty, Austin Energy (AE) also owns ecologically destructive assets that compromise public health in well-removed places. For example, AE's dirtiest energy asset, the Fayette Power Plant (FPP), is located 64 miles away in La Grange, Texas. This coal plant is the 16th largest polluting facility in the state of Texas, emitting mercury, lead, nitrogen oxides, sulfur dioxide, carbon monoxide, particulate matter, and other pollutants that are associated with ecological destruction, cancer, and other serious health conditions. In 2004, the Clean Air Task Force conducted a study that estimated econmoic damages related to the ecological and public health impacts from FPP's pollution at $5.6 million annually. After decades long battle, AE's share of the FPP (AE owns 1/3 of the plant, the Lower Colorado River Authority (LCRA) owns the other 2/3) was slated for closure in 2022, according to the 2017 Resource Generation and Climate Protection Plan. In november of 2021, however, it was announced that negotiations with LCRA broke down, and Austin Energy's share of the plant is no longer expected to close any time soon.

Aside from these pollutive industries, the City of Austin (along with Central Texas more generally) is notoriously flood prone. In just five years, between 2013 and 2018, Austin experienced three 100-year floods, resulting in extensive financial and infrastructural damage as well as significant loss of life. In 2018, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration's Atlas 14 detailed the flood risks in central Texas, which were considerably higher than previously thought. The shock induced by this study provoked ATX Floodplains, Austin's a 5-year project to re-assess and remap Austin's floodplains and adjust insurance requirements/premiums and emergency planning accordingly.

In much of both the academic and popular writing about Austin, one of its most frequently remarked features is the abundance of natural beauty. This is due in part to the fact that Austin is located at a nexus of different geological formations, which supply the city and its surrounding areas with rich and diverse landscapes, flora, and fauna. In fact, when Robert T. Hill—UT Austin’s first professor of Geology—first arrived at Austin, he noted that the city was a prime location for the study of geology, as there is such a great diversity of formations and deposits from a wide range of geological ages (Student Geology Society 1977).
Austin’s position at the intersection of diverse geological formations creates a rich and peculiar landscape that supports a comparably unique ecology. Indeed, many of Austin’s more charismatic species live in extremely niche habitats and can’t be found anywhere else on the planet. Historians of the city often remark on the way that this landscape and the forms of plant and animal life it supports have shaped ideas for the city’s future, particularly concerning its economic and cultural development. William Swearingen argues that it was the environmentalists’ ability to enroll the elite Austinites’ appreciation of the area’s natural beauty that gave them the political power to quell the most ecologically harmful forms of development. This unique breed of environmentalism, based in part on ensuring the elite’s desired quality of life, helped to cajole Austin’s growth machine into “build[ing] the natural into the urban rather than plowing it under the urban” (Swearingen 2010, 189).
Less panglossian histories, however, have exposed the darker side of Austin’s development. Despite the negligible mineral resources within Austin, the city’s social spatial production was ultimately financed by the rise of the Texas oil industry and the development of polluting industries elsewhere (Tretter 2016, Robbins 2003). Furthermore, even the preservation of Austin’s local nature wasn’t equally guaranteed for everyone (Walsh 2007). Austin’s city planning processes both systematically reduced local racial minorities’ access to Austin’s preserved green spaces while also choosing black and brown neighborhoods as the location of the city’s polluting industries (Busch 2017). Thus, despite Austin’s remarkable record of environmental victories and glowing inter/national reputation as a ideal place to live, its “weird” forms of life were founded on logics of settler colonialism and developed through the differential valuations and investments in land, bodies, and technologies that operated according to capitalist logics of progress and sacrifice.

As outlined in this brief article by the U.S. Energy Information Administration, energy consumption by New York City alone has dropped significantly more than the surrounding areas. On a prima-facie observation, one could say the foregoing alleviates stress on the existing energy infrastructures. However, deeper analyses should consider the repercussions that demanding less energy may have on production, supply, and distribution, as well as transitions between larger and smaller electric microgrids. Given energy infrastructures in the United States are already vulnerable, can it be really said the pandemic alleviates stress on the existing energy infrastructures when everybody is connected to the internet and is generally using more technology at home?

St. Louis: Award winning (US Society of Environmental Journalists)  2001 journalism on health hazards in Weldon Springs.

https://www.riverfronttimes.com/stlouis/the-right-to-answers/Content?oi…

I'm interested in better understanding the ongoing geological processes that shape St. Louis and the Mississippi Valley region. So far, I've been looking into the history of seismicity in the region, focusing on the fascinating but little known history of the New Madrid earthquakes of 1811 and 1812 -- the most devastating earthquakes to have hit the US east of the Rockies. I've also been exploring how St. Louis and surrounding areas are dealing with the possibility of another earthquake occurring in the future. According to one article I read, one of the biggest uncertainties is what would happen to the heavily engineered Mississippi River in the case of another major tremblor. The shaking could break the levees, flooding wide areas along the river and creating cascading effects. The flow of the river might also reverse completely, as occurred during the New Madrid earthquakes.

On these possibilities and the lack of scientific consensus surrounding intraplate seismicity in this zone, see this article in The Atlantic.

On current efforts to create earthquake hazard maps in St. Louis, see this overview on the US Geological Survey site.

For a deeper dive into the history of the New Madrid earthquakes, see this book by historian of science Conevery Bolton Valencius. 

A brief essay about St. Louis' notorious eminent domain history--

--along with 2 recent St. Louis Post-Dispatch articles about "urban renewal" projects that are scheduled to reoccupy the Mill Flats area, which hosted the most notorious episode of displacement of African-American communities: the Chouteau Greenway project (will it serve or displace low-income St. Louisans?); and SLU's Mill Creek Flats high-rise project, which certainly will, and whose name seems to me an especially tone-deaf if gutsy move...

https://humanities.wustl.edu/features/Margaret-Garb-St-Louis-Eminent-Domain

https://www.stltoday.com/business/local/steelcote-developer-plans-more-apartments-brewery-space-in-million-midtown/article_811eaf96-76e1-5c20-a870-1e79abd3f06e.html

https://www.stltoday.com/business/local/chouteau-greenway-project-aims-to-knit-st-louis-neighborhoods-together/article_55fea4e6-6829-5c80-9168-313305b4e3bb.html

Contextual Articles
Landscapes with Purpose
One STL
Metropolitan St. Louis Sewer District
EPA - Green Infrastructure
Green City Coalition

Green Stormwater Infrastructure
Prior to the 1970's, many US cities managed stormwater through piped conveyance systems. Flooding was once considered the most significant risk associated with rainfall. System builders built water infrastructure to accommodate volume. Most cities in the US have what is called a combined sewer system (CSS). This system pipes stormwater and municipal wastewater together. The water is then treated and then released into receiving bodies. St. Louis is one of the rare cities (Baltimore, where my research is based is another) that has a municipal separated stormwater system (MS4). In a separated system, a system of pipes keeps stormwater separate from other wastewaters. 

In the 1970's ecological research, some of which came from the EPA's National Urban Research Program, began to demonstrate that nutrients in runoff were responsible for environmental pollution. In turn, municipal engineers transitioned to thinking about tools and techniques for decreasing this nutrient load. In St. Louis, the separated system operates under a federal consent decree with the EPA where the city must reduce the overall percentage of nutrients (nitrogen and phosphorus) carried through runoff. The most recent strategy for managing this problem is Green Stormwater Infrastructure (GSI). Although the problems associated with GSI are of local relevance, they are managed through state and federal governance strategies.

While GSI is difficult to define, many times installations feature landscaped elements that aim to mimic the pre-development hydrological processes of a given site. In urban areas, these projects often utilize vacant lands or reduce existing impervious surface cover. Many planners and community groups also suggest that GSI provides additional social benefits through an increase in community green space, reduction in urban heat island, and improved property values. 

This image from Missouri Coalition for the environment brings together the many suggested benefits of implementing these technologies. The diagram also provokes some questions that may interest us in our project; Does GSI represent a paradigmatic shift in techniques of stormwater management? Does natural or environmental mimicry in engineering projects act as a corrective to the anthropocene, or are these technologies merely a response? How are the social, economic, and technical benefits of GSI calculated and have attendent burdens been considered as well?

https://news.stlpublicradio.org/post/st-louis-takes-new-look-old-problem-what-do-vacant-land-and-abandoned-buildings#stream/0

This is an article originally aired on STL public radio in 2016 regarding abandoned buildings and vacant lots. The article highlights how the St Louis Land Reutilization Authority came to be the largest landowners in the city and highlights some of the challenges the agency has faced. The main point of the article is to highlight new strategies for using/dealing with vacant land. These strategies include selling lots to adjacent residents for a price of a low dollar amount and 2 years of maintaining the land (like an urban homestead act) and creating tree farms and other green infrastructure projects on vacant lots. Additionally the articles discusses efforts made to manage LRA holdings more effectively, including  increase funding for demolishing abandoned buildings that affect property values, utilize AmeriCorps volunteers to gather better data about the land within the agency’s ownership.

Land banking - the practice of aggregating land parcels for future sale or development and/or converting vacant/abandoned lots into “productive” property. St. Louis has the oldest land bank in the country (created by a Missouri state statute in 1971), with the land acquired when property owners fail to pay taxes for 3 years OR a parcel fails to sell in public tax foreclosure sales. A document on land banking from the Center for Community Progress: https://www.hudexchange.info/resources/documents/LandBankingBasics.pdf

--perhaps interesting to think of this as an urban form of public lands? Seems like it is ripe for all kinds of similar multiple interpretations of what it means for a gov’t entities to own something, whether it is labeled public, whether it viewed as land meant to be for the benefit of all, etc.

People/Entities/Orgs:

Land Reutilization Authority(LRA) - is the largest landowner in the city! Although it is a city-level entity, it was created by the Missouri legislature, so any changes have to be approved by state lawmakers.

Otis Williams, the executive director of the St. Louis Development Corporation, which acts as an umbrella organization for LRA.

Patrick Brown, a deputy chief of staff for Mayor Francis Slay. Brown leads the Vacant Land and Blight Task Force.

Harvard by the Center for Community Progress, a national think tank on vacant land issues

Fresh Coast Capital

ENERGY TECH: In April of 2018, Ameren, a Midwestern based power company, announced a 12 week energy tech incubation program. The incubation program was funded and developed through a partnership between the University of Missouri St. Louis, UMSL Accelerate (a tech incubator), Capital Investors (venture captialists), and Ameren (a Midwest power company). These sorts of partnerships, with their emphasis on innovation in the electric utility energy mark a recent and significant change in the way utilities futures are being structured and imagined. See this Q&A with Brian Dixon, the Chief Operating Officer of Capital Investors.