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In her article, Scharenberg (2023) provides methodological reflections on politically engaged or militant social science research. In one section, she discusses the challenge that social movements act as knowledge producers in their own right, often working independent from or outside of academic institutions (2023, 15). This raises questions about what social scientiss add to the mix. I've had similar questions working with and alongside activists in the global anti-plastics movement. Building on Casa-Cortes, Osterweil, and Powell (2013), Scharenberg points out that one response for scholars is to act as "editors" or "curators" of collective knowledge. This argument resonates with the way that I and other collaborators have thought about the engaged ethnographic archive projects:

Activist ethnographers thus become editors of collective knowledges rather than the sole producers of scientific theory. Like a literary editor, the ethnographer works from a position, which does not create knowledges from scratch, but collects the perspectives of others and assembles them with reference to the given context. In this view, objectivity might be achieved, to borrow an expression from Haraway, by assembling “partial views and halting voices” into what she calls a “collective subject position” (1988: 590). Alternatively, we might think of the editor-ethnographer as Berger’s “clerk of the records” (Scheper-Hughes, 1995: 419) who compiles the history of a group of people. Scheper-Hughes understands this position as a kind of witness. (Scharenberg 2023, 16). 

During my thesis project, Tim has served as a collaborator and mentor while he studied data use among activists opposing Formosa Plastics Group (FPG). In addition to connecting me with activists and interview candidates, he also introduced me to a small network of American and Taiwanese students in Taiwan and the United States studying FPG. This community can share resources and knowledge to further our individual studies. Could this academic network serve as a parallel to the transnational activist alliances I am studying? Are the strengths and barriers of research alliances reminiscent of the strengths and barriers of activist alliances?

how do artifacts such as songs, grocery stores, fishing tools, etc help Naluwan people claim their identities (cultural, professional, social, personal?)

There are manu artifacts mentioned in your fieldnote--songs, stories, fishing tools, grocery stores, etc. How do you analyze these artifacts--why and how were they constructed, used? What are the social, economic, cultural meanings/functions of these artifacts? And how have these artifacts helped construct the sense of place and identity of the Naluwan people?

1. How does the organization intend to push the Inland Empire towards a zero-emissions, sustainable, regenerative society? What does this vision look like and how can we get there?

2. How does the organization approach diversity, equity, and inclusion issues within its own structure and in its work with external partners?

3. How does the organization balance its advocacy and direct service work?

4. How does the organization ensure transparency and accountability in its operations?

The CCAEJ addresses environmental injustices and promotes sustainability within the Inland Empire community. AAdvocating for these policies that promote environmental justice engages polluters to be held accountable for their presence. The organization can achieve a more just and equitable society beyond heavy industry. The CCAEJ work to empower residents to have a voice in the decisions that directly affect their health, well-being, and homes, promoting democratic participation and good governance.  

Past media coverage sportrays CCAEJ as a vocal and effective advocate for environmental justice in California, specifically for the Inland Empire region. Their website has a resource tab that features the organization's work covered in various news outlets, including local newspapers and national magazines. Some media reports include the organization's successful campaigns, such as the Indirect Source and Advanced Clean Truck Rule.

CCAEJ functions within the environmental justice movement, a sector that seeks to address the unequal distribution of environmental burdens and benefits that often fall along racial and socioeconomic lines. The organization is based in California's Inland Empire region, known for its heavy industry, poor air quality, and high rates of poverty and pollution-related health problems. Within this regional ecology, CCAEJ has established itself as a prominent community-based organization that advocates for the health and well-being of residents disproportionately impacted by pollution and other environmental hazards. The organization works closely with community members, government agencies, and other organizations to advance environmental justice goals and promote sustainable and equitable development.

 The Center for Community Action and Environmental Justice (CCAEJ) collaborates with various organizations, including labor, faith-based, LGBTQIA, immigration, and prison reform/abolitionist organizations. For example, the organization has worked with groups such as Sierra Club, Earthjustice, Robert Redford Conservancy for Southern California Sustainability, and the California Environmental Justice Alliance on various campaigns and initiatives related to environmental justice.

 CCAEJ is likely to face many challenges and concerns regarding the problem spaces in which they work, which would include environmental injustice, community health, and land use planning. Some examples might include lack of political will, limited resources, complex and interconnected problems, systemic barriers, and community engagement and empowerment.