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EiJ Santa Ana l Lead l Activism in California l Case Study

Lauren

The case originates in Pacoima California where a small subsection of the community was both concerned and aware that many of the houses in the low income, largely latino neighborhoods, contained lead paints, given many of the houses were constructed before the 1950’s. The Environmental Justice group, Pacomia Beautiful is a Nonprofit environmental organization, focused on community health. PB runs three programs in LA; community inspectors program (identification of hazards sources and simple solution generators), a Youth Environmentalist Program (assists youth to participate in projects to improve environment), and a Safer Home for a Healthy Community Program (Helps residents create healthy homes). In 1999 the group approached the public health lead hazard in multiple ways. They first assessed community knowledge through a pilot project working in tandem with CSUN (Cal State University, Northridge). They educated the community through trained volunteers called promotoras, who went door to door providing resources for lead remediation, working with public policy officials to as well devise a strategy to update current tenet and housing laws in order to prevent future exposure. The group collaborated with UCI, UCLA, LA Department of Health Services, and others to reach 2,500 residents, test children blood levels, test homes, as well as establish a database for homes that had been abated. This study is a great representation of how public health, environmental leaders, neighbors and academia all came together to support a project. As a result, the group along with the local community provided information to 2,500 residents, tested blood lead levels in 675 children, tested 300 homes and renovated (by 2015) 27%, and developed a registry of home that had been abated.

Luísa Reis-Castro: mosquitoes, race, and class

LuisaReisCastro

As a researcher, I’m interested in the political, ecological, and cultural debates around mosquito-borne diseases and the solutions proposed to mitigate them.

When we received the task, my first impulse was to investigate about the contemporary effects of anthropogenic climate change in mosquito-borne diseases in New Orleans. But I was afraid to make the same mistake that I did in my PhD research. I wrote my PhD proposal while based in the US, more specifically in New England, during the Zika epidemic, and proposed to understand how scientists were studying ecological climate change and mosquitoes in Brazil. However, once I arrived in the country the political climate was a much more pressing issue, with the dismantling of health and scientific institutions.

Thus, after our meeting yesterday, and Jason Ludwig’s reminder that the theme of our Field Campus is the plantation, I decided to focus on how it related to mosquitoes in New Orleans.

The Aedes aegypti mosquito and the yellow fever virus it can transmit are imbricated in the violent histories of settler-colonialism and slavery that define the plantation economy. The mosquito and the virus arrived in the Americas in the same ships that brought enslaved peoples from Africa. The city of New Orleans had its first yellow fever epidemic in 1796, with frequent epidemics happening between 1817 and 1905. What caused New Orleans to be the “City of the Dead,” as Kristin Gupta has indicated, was yellow fever. However, as historian Urmi Engineer Willoughby points out, the slave trade cannot explain alone the spread and persistance of the disease in the region: "Alterations to the landscape, combined with demographic changes resulting from the rise of sugar production, slavery, and urban growth all contributed to the region’s development as a yellow fever zone." For example, sugar cultivation created ideal conditions for mosquito proliferation because of the extensive landscape alteration and ecological instabilities, including heavy deforestation and the construction of drainage ditches and canals.

Historian Kathryn Olivarius examines how for whites "acclimatization" to the disease played a role in hierarchies with “acclimated” (immune) people at the top and a great mass of “unacclimated” (non-immune) people and how for black enslaved people "who were embodied capital, immunity enhanced the value and safety of that capital for their white owners, strengthening the set of racialized assumptions about the black body bolstering racial slavery."

As I continue to think through these topics, I wonder how both the historical materialities of the plantation and the contemporary anthropogenic changes might be influencing mosquito-borne diseases in New Orleans nowadays? And more, how the regions’ histories of race and class might still be shaping the effects of these diseases and how debates about them are framed?