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META: Water seems to be one important medium through which NOLA envisions the “impacts” of the Anthropocene—scarcity, abundance, temporalities and spatial distributions, management of, and hazards that emerge in its context. Less is said about the causal or attributional aspects of the Anthropocene. How might water function as an entry point into the assemblages of local anthropocenics?

I found the NOLA Hazard Mitigation Plan for 2018, which frames the impacts of the Anthropocene as an intersection of weather extremes amid climate change and evolving vulnerabilities of its people. Four of seven items in the executive summary note water as central to local interventions: flood awareness, flood repair, flood mitigation, flood infrastructure. Too much water or water in the wrong places and the aftereffect of water on infrastructure and lives. One expression, then, is preparedness.

MACRO: Mitigation is an interesting analytic for the Anthropocene. In the US mitigation plans are shaped by the 1988 Stafford Act (which amended the 1974 Disaster Relief Act). Constraints on communities come through rules, regulations, policies, (dis)incentives, and surveillance by state and federal authorities. Much of this is bound by economic and administrative discourses.

Goals are set in this document—broken out by timelines, activities, priorities, and capabilities. Another expression is classification of anthropocenics by subfields and accounting metrics. How do we measure progress and what is deferred to the future, 5-10 years out from today, a goal that has no tangible accountability but is named and acknowledged. What are the practices of naming, responsibility, and making (in)visible in the Anthropocene?

BIO: One new initiative, Ready for Rain, in particular is of interest to me as it highlights the more neoliberal vision for how the public should self-regulate risk and mitigate harm. I hear this as an extension of a government agency program to make the nation Weather Ready. Other bullets highlight “green” buildings, energies, and infrastructures. These could be examples of how the city envisions the Anthropocene feedback loop of humans changing/planning for climate alterations, which is a fairly typical lens.

Some questions: What does the water do? What does the water know? If we trace water in all its instantiations (e.g. historical water, flow of water, chemistry of water, application of water, temperature of water), what do we learn about the future imaginaries of what NOLA will / could / ought to become?

Resilience is a term that is widely embraced by many in city management and planning. It holds the positive gloss not just of recovery but bouncing back better. To my ears, it has become one of many anthems of the Anthropocene, a kind of restrained tempo thrumming along through communities that will adapt to climate change (or seasonal-to-subseasonal climate variability post Trump). They will mitigate, innovate, transform, strategize in order to endure unanticipated shocks, both chronic and acute.

NOLA is one of 100 Resilient Cities named by the Rockefeller Foundation sometime in 2013. Like others selected across the globe, the city of New Orleans would benefit from the resources of a Chief Resilience Officer (CRO), an expert in resilience to be hired to work within city governance to develop a strategic plan; NOLA's was published in 2015. Selection of the cities for the "100 Resilient Cities" initiative was difficult, a competitive bid for resources based primarily on a city's recent experience with disaster, usually connected to a weather or climate extreme (e.g. hurricane, flood, etc). Resources were provided via the hierarchy of the CRO, sometimes to hire staff, develop training for the community, and create working groups and to write the stratetic plan. As one former directer of NOLA RC said of this opportunity provided by Katrina, the disaster that qualified NOLA for Rockefeller monies, it demonstrates the need for an the age of resilience. In what ways is resilience measured, accounted for, adjudicated and managed through or in spite of this strategic document? 

The language of resilience includes many terms that I think of as a collective imaginary of utopian preparedness, a vision for a nation that is--in the parlance of the weather prediction community in which I work--weather ready. Through the filter of resilience, then, vulnerability (another problematic term) is eradicated through individual action, community engineering, and adherance to strategic policies like 100RC. Yet how does this image of NOLA, one of "mindful citizenry" engaged in "partnerships" around the city (terms used in their summary video), match with the realities of living in NOLA, today and in the everyday future?

Resilience is also a term widely critiqued in STS and the broader social science and humanistic disciplines. For good reason. Common questions in this literature: What counts as resilience? Who decides? At what costs? Resilience against what? What does resilience elide? How has the discourse of resilience reframed individual and community accountability? What is the political economy of resilience? I'm interested in the discourses of preparedness and planning, and "the eventness" of disaster, as Scott has highlighted many times. But my concern is not just to critique and tear down concepts like resilence (or vulnerability). I worry that we then evicerate common lexicons of hope and imaginaries of the future that do some good. How are we as field campus participants and those who re-envision or reveal the quotidian reflexive? How do we triage the Anthropocene amid our own state of compromise--as scholars, participants in Capitalism, in post colonialism, humans? What are our ethical commitments? How do we make good? 

Resilience is a term that is widely embraced by many in city management and planning. It holds the positive gloss not just of recovery but bouncing back better. To my ears, it has become one of many anthems of the Anthropocene, a kind of restrained tempo thrumming along through communities that will adapt to climate change (or seasonal-to-subseasonal climate variability post Trump). They will mitigate, innovate, transform, strategize in order to endure unanticipated shocks, both chronic and acute.

NOLA is one of 100 Resilient Cities named by the Rockefeller Foundation sometime in 2013. Like others selected across the globe, the city of New Orleans would benefit from the resources of a Chief Resilience Officer (CRO), an expert in resilience to be hired to work within city governance to develop a strategic plan; NOLA's was published in 2015. Selection of the cities for the "100 Resilient Cities" initiative was difficult, a competitive bid for resources based primarily on a city's recent experience with disaster, usually connected to a weather or climate extreme (e.g. hurricane, flood, etc). Resources were provided via the hierarchy of the CRO, sometimes to hire staff, develop training for the community, and create working groups and to write the stratetic plan. As one former directer of NOLA RC said of this opportunity provided by Katrina, the disaster that qualified NOLA for Rockefeller monies, it demonstrates the need for an the age of resilience. In what ways is resilience measured, accounted for, adjudicated and managed through or in spite of this strategic document? 

The language of resilience includes many terms that I think of as a collective imaginary of utopian preparedness, a vision for a nation that is--in the parlance of the weather prediction community in which I work--weather ready. Through the filter of resilience, then, vulnerability (another problematic term) is eradicated through individual action, community engineering, and adherance to strategic policies like 100RC. Yet how does this image of NOLA, one of "mindful citizenry" engaged in "partnerships" around the city (terms used in their summary video), match with the realities of living in NOLA, today and in the everyday future?

Resilience is also a term widely critiqued in STS and the broader social science and humanistic disciplines. For good reason. Common questions in this literature: What counts as resilience? Who decides? At what costs? Resilience against what? What does resilience elide? How has the discourse of resilience reframed individual and community accountability? What is the political economy of resilience? I'm interested in the discourses of preparedness and planning, and "the eventness" of disaster, as Scott has highlighted many times. But my concern is not just to critique and tear down concepts like resilence (or vulnerability). I worry that we then evicerate common lexicons of hope and imaginaries of the future that do some good. How are we as field campus participants and those who re-envision or reveal the quotidian reflexive? How do we triage the Anthropocene amid our own state of compromise--as scholars, participants in Capitalism, in post colonialism, humans? What are our ethical commitments? How do we make good? 

The Center for Prisoner Health and Human Rights believes that failings within public health systems indirectly contributed to the high incarceration rates in America. The program seeks to advocate and educate in order to better the health and human rights of incarcerated populations. It appears to be focusing on educating the public, law/policy makers, and students about issues facing prison populations. It also seeks to address health care issues within the prison systems itself, as many offenders struggle with issues tied to mental health (drug and alcohol abuse, sexual abuse, mental illness, ect.); limited treatment options and prison conditions can often compound these issues, creating a vicious cycle for incarcerated individuals.

The creators of the platform and film are part of a C3 non-profit called NOVAC-- New Orleans Video Access Center. There are several organizational partners that work on the ground accomplishing the organization's goals. These partners also provide a measure of funding; as a non-profit, most of the support comes from outside donations, either to the organization or through one of their proxy groups.

1) PFA: the article currently contends that most governmental agencies use this 3-pronged approach to mitigate effects after a disaster. I'd be interested in learning which agencies do not use this approach and what their alternative strategies may be.

2) Resilience: this is a term specifically described in the article, detailing the phenomena of how some individuals manage to survive horrific disasters but are devoid of psychological symptoms after. As a relatively new concept, not much is understood at this time. However, much of PTSD, MDD, and other post-traumatic mood disorders focus on traits predisposing an individual to develop the disorder-- I'd be intrigued to know what traits (if any) predisposed resilience.

3) Cocoanut Grove night club fire: a disaster event I had never heard of, was the deadliest nightclub fire in American history. Almost 500 perished, and hundreds more were injured. This, apparently, led to a huge tightening of fire and safety protocols throughout the US

1) Janey Ensminger Act: the act, finally passed in August of 2012, provides health care to veterans and family members who were exposed to contaminated water while in residence at Camp Lejeune. The bill specifically lists illnesses linked to the chemicals found in the water supply, thus does not extend unlimited coverage to all former residents. Moreover, those who receive care under the bill must have resided at Camp Lejeune for 30 days or more.

2)The Few, The Proud, The Forgotten: a website created in order to inform Marine/Navy personnel, dependents, and civilian residents of Camp Lejeune exposure. The website also seeks to help these individuals understand their rights under the legislation and as victims. It also provides an illness registration and photo gallery, demonstrating itself to be a page dedicated to informing all aspects of these incidents.

3) TCE: as a former organic chemistry TA and student, the chemical nature of TCE and other VOC's intrigues me. As a student of physiology, it's important to understand how certain chemical properties can effect the body; particularly in regard to pathologies that could arise from exposure. As a halocarbon, the compound demonstrates relative stability and has many industrial uses; however, this stability causes difficulty in disposing, as they do not readily degrade in typical environments, leading to accumulation. Moreover, TCE has specifically been shown to work as a central nervous system depressor. Its interaction with electrical regulation of nervous cells (and thus, action potential propagation) causes a general anesthesia effect-- leading to depressed functioning of the CNS and, in high enough doses, suppression of cardiac and respiratory function. It should also be noted that the cardiovascular system primarily operates under electrical control as well, resulting in a possible link between TCE exposure and arrhythmia 

Emergency response is not specifically addressed in the article. However, medical professional-patient relations are a key component of emergency response; as such, Dr. Good's assertions surrounding patient narrative should be taken into consideration in emergency situations. He notes that the methodology and cultural nuances of narration can provide a cornucopia of information that would otherwise be ignored.