Formosa Plastics Global Archive 台灣塑膠檔案館
The Formosa Plastics Archive (FPA) (台灣塑膠檔案館) documents environmental disaster caused by one of the world's largest petrochemical companies.
The Formosa Plastics Archive (FPA) (台灣塑膠檔案館) documents environmental disaster caused by one of the world's largest petrochemical companies.
This collection documents the early protests against Formosa Plastics petrochemical development in Yilan County (see also Ho 2014
The biggest stake holders in this are TEPCO, the Japanese Prime Minister, and the people of Japan are the largest stakeholders. There were many decisions made such as evacuation, releasing steam, pouring water, and leaving the fukushima fifty behind. Nobody was left without making a tough decision.
The program is divided into three sub-programs: Radiation Disaster Medicine, Radioactivity Environmental Protection, and Radioactivity Social Recovery. The Radiation Disaster Medicine course is a four year PhD program, for those who already have professional degrees (medicine, pharmacy, dentistry, etc.) and master’s degrees (medical physics). The Radioactivity Environmental Protection course is a five year program for students who have completed a bachelors or masters in a related field. The Radioactivity Social Recovery course is a five year program for students with a bachelors or master’s. The curriculum is broken down into common subjects, specialized subjects, fieldwork, and internships.
"Data collection: Gather submissions from anyone, anytime, anywhere"
"Data management: Manage and triage reports with filters and workflows"
"Data visualization: Map submissions and chart what happened"
"Automatic alerts: Receive alerts about changes and update"
"Enterprise systems:Let our team help you build and scale your deployment"
“More than 20 years ago, social scientists Harry Otway and Brian Wayne cautioned that accident prevention (safer designs, better operator training, etc. , but even more so emergency planning, faced significant economic and managerial hurdles.”(p199)
“Nuclear accidents have tended to trigger organizational reform with regard to nuclear emergency response, but not on an international level. In considering this problematic ground, where might we start to develop a global approach to nuclear disaster mitigation?”(p200)
“The specific kinds of highly specialized knowledge involved with operation nuclear reactors however may not be accessible to broad public debate to the same degree as, for example, evacuation policies. But in the interest of sustainable, socially legitimate solutions, arguably decisions about even the technical responses to disasters should not be left to scientists and engineers alone, whether they are based within the nuclear industry, a regulatory bod, or a nongovernmental organization.”(p196)
“For all its undeniable flaws, the nuclear industry worked for several decades- in Japan and elsewhere. That is also the truly frightening realization after Fukushima: this disaster was not ‘waiting to happen’, but occurred in a system that had been functioning reasonable well for quite some time.”(p198)
“…The Way Forward is embedded in a technocratic rationality that seeks an effective ‘technical fix’ for reducing the risk of a nuclear disaster to manageable proportions. That misses the less tangible social expertise and improvisational skills inevitable involved in any successful disaster response.” (p206)
"The role of epidemiology in disaster response policy development" cites this epi study. This article addresses the role of epidemiology in informing policies after a disaster to mitigate ongoing exposures, provide care and compensation, and improve preparedness for future disasters. It uses our article to support the argument that epidemiology should be used for prep for disaster.
The American Red Cross uses the gold-standard products for most of its research and service. For disaster response, the ARC utilizes the good-will of its volunteers to address needs such as shelter, food, and health services. On the local level, chapters of the ARC have disaster action teams that respond to smaller emergencies and provide transition services to the victims of such emergencies. They also have a larger wokforce of volunteers to pull from and use for support services.
The chapters' main idea is supported by the use of statistics, historical analysis, and personal anecdotes of immigrants going through the system.
- The literature quotes figures from the Seine-Saint-Denis department. They have collected data that corresponds to the different time periods of ideals and legislation on the immigration policy.
- This discusses the difference in ideals between the time periods over time. It discusses the change from approximately 1974 where the assumption that immigrants were only wanted if they were able to be an active producing member of the workforce to the 90s where compassion was more prevalent.
- The use of the testimonial of the Senegalese man shows the effort put into individuals to use their health as a reason for immigration. As stated by the article, the man had many arguments to try and apply for immigration status, but he heavily relied on his health to be the deciding factor.