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seanw146

 

Andrew Lakoff is an Associate Professor of Sociology and Communication at the University of Southern California, Department of Sociology. His disciplines are: Social Theory, Medical Anthropology, and Cultural Anthropology.

Stephen Collier holds a Ph.D in Sociocultural Anthropology at the University of California Berkeley, Department of Department of Sociology. His disciplines are Social Policy, Social Theory, Social Theory, Foucault, and Neoliberalism. He was also Chair and Associate Professor at The New School, Department of International Affairs from 2003-2015.

Although they are not directly involved in emergency response, Stephen and Andrew have written extensively on the social aspects of medicine, especially in disaster scenarios. 

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michael.lee

In this article, the authors present the evolving field of biosecurity, specifically the "forms of expertise and the knowledge practices thorugh which disease threats are understood and managed." The authors argue that the field of biosecurity has evolved beyond biodefense and security at the national level, and instead now involves governments, militaries, health agencies, and humanitarian organizations on a global scale.

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seanw146

The Iroquois Theater Fire, the destruction of US Capitol Building, and the Hague Street boiler explosion are used as historical examples to support the arguments made in the article as well as the findings of a steel expert who investigated the collapse of the towers.

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michael.lee

The author explores the impact of healthcare and immigration laws in France that impact the well-being and health of immigrants. Specifically referencing French legislation from 1997, the author discusses how protocols have developed and been adapted over the past decade to dictate that those immigrants who are suffering from illnesses should be provided care, treatment, and housing, rather than being deported or forced to fend for themselves. 

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michael.lee
  • "During our interviews in Turkey, many of the conversations we had--with those suffering seizures, with family members, persons in the community, and health care providers--were made up largely of stories. We were told stories of the sudden and shocking onset of seizures or fainting, of particularly dramatic episodes of seizures or extended loss of consciousness, of years of efforts in which families and individuals engaged in a quest to find a cure, of especially memorable interactions with physicians and with religious healers, and of experiences at work, with friends, and, for example, in marriage negotiations that were influenced by the illness."
  • "As a result, however, the stories were often quite ambiguous as to the nature of the illness, and it was often unclear whether the stories were 'reports of experience' or were largely governed by a typical cultural form or narrative structure."
  • "Much of what we know about illness we know through stories--stories told by the sick about their experiences, by family members, doctors, healers, and others in the society. This is a simple fact. 'An illness' has a narrative structure, although it is not a closed text, and it is composed as a corpus of stories."