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As a researcher, I’m interested in the political, ecological, and cultural debates around mosquito-borne diseases and the solutions proposed to mitigate them.

When we received the task, my first impulse was to investigate about the contemporary effects of anthropogenic climate change in mosquito-borne diseases in New Orleans. But I was afraid to make the same mistake that I did in my PhD research. I wrote my PhD proposal while based in the US, more specifically in New England, during the Zika epidemic, and proposed to understand how scientists were studying ecological climate change and mosquitoes in Brazil. However, once I arrived in the country the political climate was a much more pressing issue, with the dismantling of health and scientific institutions.

Thus, after our meeting yesterday, and Jason Ludwig’s reminder that the theme of our Field Campus is the plantation, I decided to focus on how it related to mosquitoes in New Orleans.

The Aedes aegypti mosquito and the yellow fever virus it can transmit are imbricated in the violent histories of settler-colonialism and slavery that define the plantation economy. The mosquito and the virus arrived in the Americas in the same ships that brought enslaved peoples from Africa. The city of New Orleans had its first yellow fever epidemic in 1796, with frequent epidemics happening between 1817 and 1905. What caused New Orleans to be the “City of the Dead,” as Kristin Gupta has indicated, was yellow fever. However, as historian Urmi Engineer Willoughby points out, the slave trade cannot explain alone the spread and persistance of the disease in the region: "Alterations to the landscape, combined with demographic changes resulting from the rise of sugar production, slavery, and urban growth all contributed to the region’s development as a yellow fever zone." For example, sugar cultivation created ideal conditions for mosquito proliferation because of the extensive landscape alteration and ecological instabilities, including heavy deforestation and the construction of drainage ditches and canals.

Historian Kathryn Olivarius examines how for whites "acclimatization" to the disease played a role in hierarchies with “acclimated” (immune) people at the top and a great mass of “unacclimated” (non-immune) people and how for black enslaved people "who were embodied capital, immunity enhanced the value and safety of that capital for their white owners, strengthening the set of racialized assumptions about the black body bolstering racial slavery."

As I continue to think through these topics, I wonder how both the historical materialities of the plantation and the contemporary anthropogenic changes might be influencing mosquito-borne diseases in New Orleans nowadays? And more, how the regions’ histories of race and class might still be shaping the effects of these diseases and how debates about them are framed?

1) "About 2,000 tons of asbestos and 424,000 tons of concrete were used to build the towers, and when they came crashing down they released dust laden with toxins."

2 "But as early as Sept. 13, Mrs. Whitman and the agency put out press releases saying that the air near ground zero was relatively safe and that there were "no significant levels" of asbestos dust in the air. They gave a green light for residents to return to their homes near the trade center site"

The Center for Prisoner Health and Human Rights believes that failings within public health systems indirectly contributed to the high incarceration rates in America. The program seeks to advocate and educate in order to better the health and human rights of incarcerated populations. It appears to be focusing on educating the public, law/policy makers, and students about issues facing prison populations. It also seeks to address health care issues within the prison systems itself, as many offenders struggle with issues tied to mental health (drug and alcohol abuse, sexual abuse, mental illness, ect.); limited treatment options and prison conditions can often compound these issues, creating a vicious cycle for incarcerated individuals.

The creators of the platform and film are part of a C3 non-profit called NOVAC-- New Orleans Video Access Center. There are several organizational partners that work on the ground accomplishing the organization's goals. These partners also provide a measure of funding; as a non-profit, most of the support comes from outside donations, either to the organization or through one of their proxy groups.

1) PFA: the article currently contends that most governmental agencies use this 3-pronged approach to mitigate effects after a disaster. I'd be interested in learning which agencies do not use this approach and what their alternative strategies may be.

2) Resilience: this is a term specifically described in the article, detailing the phenomena of how some individuals manage to survive horrific disasters but are devoid of psychological symptoms after. As a relatively new concept, not much is understood at this time. However, much of PTSD, MDD, and other post-traumatic mood disorders focus on traits predisposing an individual to develop the disorder-- I'd be intrigued to know what traits (if any) predisposed resilience.

3) Cocoanut Grove night club fire: a disaster event I had never heard of, was the deadliest nightclub fire in American history. Almost 500 perished, and hundreds more were injured. This, apparently, led to a huge tightening of fire and safety protocols throughout the US

1) Janey Ensminger Act: the act, finally passed in August of 2012, provides health care to veterans and family members who were exposed to contaminated water while in residence at Camp Lejeune. The bill specifically lists illnesses linked to the chemicals found in the water supply, thus does not extend unlimited coverage to all former residents. Moreover, those who receive care under the bill must have resided at Camp Lejeune for 30 days or more.

2)The Few, The Proud, The Forgotten: a website created in order to inform Marine/Navy personnel, dependents, and civilian residents of Camp Lejeune exposure. The website also seeks to help these individuals understand their rights under the legislation and as victims. It also provides an illness registration and photo gallery, demonstrating itself to be a page dedicated to informing all aspects of these incidents.

3) TCE: as a former organic chemistry TA and student, the chemical nature of TCE and other VOC's intrigues me. As a student of physiology, it's important to understand how certain chemical properties can effect the body; particularly in regard to pathologies that could arise from exposure. As a halocarbon, the compound demonstrates relative stability and has many industrial uses; however, this stability causes difficulty in disposing, as they do not readily degrade in typical environments, leading to accumulation. Moreover, TCE has specifically been shown to work as a central nervous system depressor. Its interaction with electrical regulation of nervous cells (and thus, action potential propagation) causes a general anesthesia effect-- leading to depressed functioning of the CNS and, in high enough doses, suppression of cardiac and respiratory function. It should also be noted that the cardiovascular system primarily operates under electrical control as well, resulting in a possible link between TCE exposure and arrhythmia 

Emergency response is not specifically addressed in the article. However, medical professional-patient relations are a key component of emergency response; as such, Dr. Good's assertions surrounding patient narrative should be taken into consideration in emergency situations. He notes that the methodology and cultural nuances of narration can provide a cornucopia of information that would otherwise be ignored.  

This report has been cited by 22 other works-- including articles, books, reports, reviews, and studies. This includes several these, book chapters, and dissertations. It appears mostly in anthropological and STSS works, indicating it has yet to move from these social sciences into the realms of policy. 

"Unfortunately, 'normal' in Haiti includes perpetual political turmoil... That kind of political morass is one big reason-- though by no means the only one-- why the billions in relief and recovery aid haven't been enough to rescue Haiti from the disaster that fate keeps flinging its way."

"A growing reliance on U.S. and other international contractors helps explain why the payoff of foreign aid in Haiti often seems so low."

""International companies had to fly in, rent hotels and cars, and spend USAID allowances for food and cost­of­living expenses," Johnston wrote in the Boston Review last year. So­called danger pay and hardship pay inflated salaries by more than 50 percent"

1) "On an individual level, disagreements over treatment can arise when there are competing ideas about the cause and most appropriate treatment of disease. The weak and sometimes nonfunctioning health systems that often characterize complex security environments can compound these challenges and contribute to a milieu of mistrust that sets the stage for violence against health workers, facilities and transportation"

2) "There are also often inconsistencies in the categories used to describe perpetrators e e.g. terrorist, state actors, non-state actor e and these categories have legal ramifications under both International Humanitarian Law and in national legal frameworks. Although a standardizing of terminology and scope of study would be welcome, this has proven difficult."

3) "Although violence directly affecting health service delivery in complex security environments has received a great deal of media attention, there is very little publically available research, particularly peer-reviewed, original research. Only thirty-eight articles met the original search criteria outlined in the methods section, of which only eleven contained original research; a further citation search yielded another four original research articles."