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Editing with Contributor
尋找一個叫做家的地方
janey7875Annotation of
我訪問到的阿嬤也有在高度人力密集的產業中工作過，如餐飲、紡織等等，反映了當代大環境中原民來到都市的處境。都市原民作為台灣產業發展的推手之一，卻無法擁有安身立命的家，而被迫在各處流浪，直到近代才開啟了與政府溝通的橋樑，卻依然有種種難題需要克服。
Fieldnote Apr 17 2023 - 9:41am
這次主要聊的是阿嬤們的遷移旅程，我們主要訪問到的是一對姊妹，年齡相差兩歲，在小學的時候因為有仲介介紹，一同來到台北工作。
以下是他們的遷移過程：
台東-花蓮-台北（有仲介介紹台北的工作，但很多人受騙被賣到妓院）-桃園-台北-新竹
小學因經濟因素離開台東，搭巴士到花蓮，再搭火車到台北（大概民國57年）
Fieldnote Feb 21 2023 - 11:01pm
當你在搜尋器上打出那魯灣 新竹，會看到標題幾乎都是『全新開放絕美地景遊戲場！「那魯灣文化聚落」玩超快溜滑梯 』等等的文章，當你真正進去這個所謂『文化聚落』後，會發現原來這只是當權者的一種企圖，那魯灣所面臨的困境並非藉由地景遊戲場可以解決，但我發現這是一種政府慣用手法，將完全脫離脈絡的建築蓋在想要宣傳的地點上，當天進入社區後所看到的是兩種截然不同的景色，一方面可以理解政府為什麼需要對當地做重劃
Fieldnote Apr 11 2023 - 9:43am
This was our first time interviewing members of our tribal family, and we had the pleasure of interviewing three grandmothers.
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joerene.avilesAnnotation of
The main argument is that previous disasters involving burning buildings in US history and the subsequent investigations affected emergency response, policy making, and disaster investigation today. These past events can be applied to the 9/11 terrorist attack and investigation of the buildings afterward.
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joerene.avilesAnnotation of
1. “Chronic disaster syndrome” thus refers in this analysis to the cluster of trauma-and posttrauma-related phenomena that are at once individual, social, and political and that are associated with disaster as simultaneously causative and experiential of a chronic condition of distress in relation to displacement.
2. Most efforts to rebuild health care facilities focused on emergency care, routine care, and surgical services rather than psychiatry.
3. For many people, the idea that they had to stay in a state of heightened response to the pending “crisis”—a state they had already been in for over two years—produced huge anxiety and exhaustion.
4. Instead, the notion that New Orleanians themselves were a threat to public or national security circulated and became a rationale for the efforts the government did take to effect change in New Orleans. This change, in effect, targeted the poor. The poor, it seems, were to be evicted from New Orleans as a way to “clean up” the city and help it recover once and for all.
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joerene.aviles1. Arguably, the new Ukrainian accounting of the Cherobyl unknown was part and parcel of the government's strategies for "knowledge-based" governance and social mobilization. In 1991 and in its first set of laws, the new parliament denounced the Soviet management of Chemobyl as "an act of genocide."
2. On the one hand, the Ukrainian government rejected Western neoliberal prescriptions to downsize its social welfare domain; on the other hand, it presented itself as informed by the principles of a moder risk society. On the one hand, these Chernobyl laws allowed for unprecedented civic organizing; on the other hand, they became distinct venues of corruption through which informal practices of providing or selling access to state privileges and protections (blat) expanded.
3. Government-operated radiation research clinics and non- governmental organizations mediate an informal economy of illness and claims to a "biological citizenship"-a demand for, but limited access to, a form of social welfare based on medical, scientific, and legal criteria that recognize injury and compensate for it.
C-URGE is a Doctoral Network centered in the Department of Anthropology at KU Leuven, Belgium, training doctoral candidates to research different perceptions on environmental and climatological urg