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The author utilizes data and a number analysis of symptoms experienced, as well as interviews with those effected and how it altered their lives in hundreds of ways. Along with primary source interviews and data analysis, expert analysis and opinion is also provided as well.

1. "Yet, the demands placed on an investigation have as much, or more, to do with defining the dominant investigator and quickly addressing the fears and anger of the press, government, and an outraged public than they do with discovering the definitive technical truths of a catastrophic event."
2. "Blame, memorial, and reconstruction tend to outpace technical consensus."
3. "Notions of public responsibility for private safety were highly evolved by this time, hence the fact that a coroner's inquest indicted Mayor Harrison and a full slate of city officials for complicity in the deaths of the Iroquois victims."
4. "Apparently, despite the technical acumen of the nation's investigators, a lack of funding and authority had rendered the investigators unbelievably 'unable to provide a comprehensive analysis of how well the buildings and their structural elements performed, and as a result, they cannot say if the buildings had specific weaknesses'"

Technical professionals can use this data to perhaps launch other studies to analyze the true effects of the disaster in Japan on thyroid cancer rates in adjacent areas. This study and data finings from this can be used to show the need for further studies on the matter in order to determine the correlation between cancer rates and the disaster. The study overall shows that there were high screening rates for thyroid cancer after the disaster, yet attributes it to the possibility of over diagnosis. This study can open the doors for numerous more studies on this matter. This study can also be used down the road as a reference for anyone who wishes to study the degree of fallout and cancer rates caused by a nuclear disaster. Methods used in this study can be modeled down the road for other disasters, with adjustments accounting for the possibility of over diagnosis. 

This program is located within an institution, Columbia University's Medical Center and College of Physicians and Surgeons. 

The author supports his argument by first giving the reader a history about immigrant healthcare in France. By using stories of immigrants and showcasing the ways in which physicians dealt with the medical and humanitarian issues, the author provides a social framework for us to see how immigrants were treated. By also providing philosophical insight and statistics, the author is further able to support his argument. 

According to the history page of American Red Cross, the organization began in 1882. In the 23 years following that, the organization aided in disaster relief efforts with the US Army during the Spanish American War. Not until prior to WW1 was the first water safety, first aid and health program introduced by the organization, where they first expanded their efforts and scope of what they can offer. What truly motivated the way and thinking of disaster relief was the outbreak of war America had. The organization grew tremendously because of war. In the 4 years between 1914 an 1918, chapters of American Red Cross went from 107 to 3,864- which is astonishing. Membership also grew from 17,000 to 20 million in that time. With this large jump of people and chapters came a large growth in funding and material to cover programs, hospitals, nurses, etc to aid refugees and American and Allied forces. Then in 1918, influenza pandemic struck and American Red Cross was able to help combat that and in the process took on more nurses to do so. This trend of growth is seen during times of war, or devastation such as the Great Depression, Mississippi River flood and WW2. Ultimately, what motivated the growth and disaster response was the need for it. As need increased for care during times of war, devastation or disease, American Red Cross grew, due to those in support of troops overseas, volunteering time and money, which allowed for the organization to grow and gain the moment needed to combat epidemics and eventually natural disasters.

This article focuses on gender based violence and its ties with medical humanitarianism. The effects humanitarianism has on other violent acts versus ones effecting gender based acts such as rape and assault. A main point made in this article is the fact that special humanitarian attention to gender based violence in fact has a negative effect on the overall addressing of the issue in its entirety. The reason behind this being cited is the fact that it depoliticizes the issue when unprecedented attention is given to gender based violent acts. The article then notes that by paying attention to why this is failing, we can think of new ways of addressing this issues and violence, making it more equal.

The main argument made in this article is that the term "chronic disaster syndrome" can be used as a diagnosis of Katrina survivors as opposed to PTSD. They use this term on the basis of factors including: individual suffering (trauma), the workings of disaster capitalism tied to the undermining of public infrastructures of social welfare and their replacement with private-sector service provision through contracts with for-profit corporations, and the ways that displacement functions within disaster capitalism. They make the point that this term can be used in link with disasters. In this case, Katrina caused "chronic disaster syndrome" to most survivors in that they were affected (and still are) socially, politically, and individually. The trauma experienced and the lack of leadership and governmental response created stressful situations for all residents of New Orleans pre-Katrina.