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As a researcher, I’m interested in the political, ecological, and cultural debates around mosquito-borne diseases and the solutions proposed to mitigate them.

When we received the task, my first impulse was to investigate about the contemporary effects of anthropogenic climate change in mosquito-borne diseases in New Orleans. But I was afraid to make the same mistake that I did in my PhD research. I wrote my PhD proposal while based in the US, more specifically in New England, during the Zika epidemic, and proposed to understand how scientists were studying ecological climate change and mosquitoes in Brazil. However, once I arrived in the country the political climate was a much more pressing issue, with the dismantling of health and scientific institutions.

Thus, after our meeting yesterday, and Jason Ludwig’s reminder that the theme of our Field Campus is the plantation, I decided to focus on how it related to mosquitoes in New Orleans.

The Aedes aegypti mosquito and the yellow fever virus it can transmit are imbricated in the violent histories of settler-colonialism and slavery that define the plantation economy. The mosquito and the virus arrived in the Americas in the same ships that brought enslaved peoples from Africa. The city of New Orleans had its first yellow fever epidemic in 1796, with frequent epidemics happening between 1817 and 1905. What caused New Orleans to be the “City of the Dead,” as Kristin Gupta has indicated, was yellow fever. However, as historian Urmi Engineer Willoughby points out, the slave trade cannot explain alone the spread and persistance of the disease in the region: "Alterations to the landscape, combined with demographic changes resulting from the rise of sugar production, slavery, and urban growth all contributed to the region’s development as a yellow fever zone." For example, sugar cultivation created ideal conditions for mosquito proliferation because of the extensive landscape alteration and ecological instabilities, including heavy deforestation and the construction of drainage ditches and canals.

Historian Kathryn Olivarius examines how for whites "acclimatization" to the disease played a role in hierarchies with “acclimated” (immune) people at the top and a great mass of “unacclimated” (non-immune) people and how for black enslaved people "who were embodied capital, immunity enhanced the value and safety of that capital for their white owners, strengthening the set of racialized assumptions about the black body bolstering racial slavery."

As I continue to think through these topics, I wonder how both the historical materialities of the plantation and the contemporary anthropogenic changes might be influencing mosquito-borne diseases in New Orleans nowadays? And more, how the regions’ histories of race and class might still be shaping the effects of these diseases and how debates about them are framed?

Emergency response is dicussed in this article through discussion of those who responded to the disaster were the ones who had the most health issues. This reponse created the new economy to support the country in lieu of a percentage of its population becoming unable to work.

The audience the film best addresses is the public who knew about the nuclear event, but were not informed to the extent of what had happened or its ramifications on the future.

Emergency response is not discussed in this article, however if these people had imediate attention after the intial event they had experienced they may not still be suffereing from seizure disorders.

The methods and data used to produce the claims in the argument was presenting a problem that is often seen in rural areas-AIDS in Rwanda and showing data that showered a decrease in the problem to show that social conditions affect the likelyhood of being infection with a diease.

This article has be referenced/discussed through those looking at gender in the role of humaity by groups who are human rights activists, those who treat people in third world areas. As well as an international outreach website that supports treatment of those who have been abused.

The methods, tools and data used to produce the arguments made in the article are using historical epidemics such as AIDS, TB and smallpox (the benefits and risk analysis to provide vaccines. Through discussing and analyzing these historical events, health officials can discover how to properly assess future data in preventing disease

"For example, workshop participants suggested that in some causes armed groups may feel they needed to kidnap a doctor in order to recieve care; or perhaps soliders at a chekcpoint are concerned that an ambulance may contain explosives and obstruct deliever of health services in order to prevent bombing"

"Although violence directly affecting health service delievery in complex security enviornments has recieved a great deal of media attention, theres very little publically avaliable research, particularly peer reviewed, original research"

"Because rporting often focuses on the most serious attacks, such as kidnapping and fatalities, workshop participants stressed that incidents precieved to be less severe such as threats and obstructions are less likely to be underreported"

The argument is supported using multiple historical accounts such as the 1850 Hauge st explosion where the boiler failure investigation consisted of people who were experts on the boiler, on the man who controlled the boiler and his habits. The disaster was blamed on those who were directly involved in the boiler’s sale, upkeep and use. Next the article uses findings of the Iroquois theatre fire and puts the people who designed the building at fault. Freeman, a well educated engineer analyzed the faults of the building and deemed that many factors caused the fire. The 1814 burning of the capitol is used as evidence because the government did not want to spend the time or money to build the building properly to prevent the fire. The investigation was spearheaded by Lathrobe who attempted to rebuild in the proper way, but ultimately failed due to political reasons.

This group works in social ecologies that are mostly controlled by the government; not what may be best for the people. but what is best for the government financially. PHR works to help those who social justice or human rights have been stripped for little to no reason. This shapes the way the organization views disaster because they believe that disaster can begin with one person who is not living up to their standards of life due to someone or something else. Disaster is a comprehensive network of interlocking pieces, when one piece is out of place it is defined as a place to start.