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In their introduction, Vermeylen's argument for a particularist and decolonial approach to justice through a recognition of plural ontologies and epistemologies that decenters Western liberal discourse and its theory of justice. How does bringing the lens of coloniality into environmental justice literature alter our visions of energy futures? Can we make appeals to environmental justice without recourse to liberal theories of individual rights and property ownership? More specifically, I am wondering how our team can study and address this dynamic plurality of ways of understanding and experiencing in/justice in this site, and how can we engage this plurality in productive ways? What axes of difference and inequality should we be looking for/at (race, gender, class, sexual orientation, citizenship, housing status, etc)? If the Anthropocene is coloniality by another name, how can we foreground this in our approach?

The authors productively place three bodies of theory in conversation, abolitionist theories, urban political ecology, and decolonial theory, to rewrite the intellectual trajectories of EJ as extending the legacy of the Black Radical Tradition. What are our intellectual and political genealogies as students and researchers of the quotidian anthropocene? What genealogies are we pushing against? Drawing from their examples of spaces and historical moments of interracial solidarity, what kinds of coalitions do we see ourselves partnering with and contributing to as (largely?) newcomers to the activism in Austin?

In this fascinating review, the authors show how environmental justice is reproductive justice (following the water protectors at Standing Rock) and how this intersection reshapes understandings of the environment, embodiment, and exposure. I was particularly interested in the concepts of social and cultural re/production, and how we might think about this in light of Austin's rapid gentrification. They discuss an intersectional approach as a multi-scalar approach, from climate change to chemical exposure in the home - and I think this could be extended to a inter/multi-generational approach to justice (esp given our focus on renewables). The authors show how the RJ framework rethinks the individualism of reproductive choice as the right to conceive and bear children in conditions of social justice and human flourishing - then how does the current energy system (and future energy transitions) negate or create these conditions, and for whom? If we think about biological/cultural reproduction, how do we also incorporate the concept of reproductive labor into our analysis? Finally, I think they make an important point about the harms of documentation, and it would be great to hear everyone's thoughts (Esp those who have participated in earlier field campuses) on what the goal and ethics of our knowledge production are?

Walsh's piece gives us a concise history and geography of environmental racism in Austin, by drawing our attention to how ineequality is written into city law and urban planning. The ongoing legacies of segregation have shaped social life from access to public services to access to recreational spaces. Given the foundations of environmental racism in zoning laws and land use regulations, so succinctly highlighted by Walsh, how does/must the process of energy transition address these issues? Can there be zoning for justice, and what would that look like? In what way can our work at the field campus contribute to the existing work being done by orgs like El Pueblo and PODER?

It is an international program with the following member states/countries and the year that they joined:

"1957: Afghanistan, Albania, Argentina, Australia, Austria, Belarus, Brazil, Bulgaria, Canada, Cuba, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Egypt, El Salvador, Ethiopia, France, Germany, Greece, Guatemala, Haiti, Holy See, Hungary, Iceland, India, Indonesia, Israel, Italy, Japan, Republic of Korea, Monaco, Morocco, Myanmar, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Pakistan, Paraguay, Peru, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russian Federation, Socialist Federal Rep. of Yugoslavia, South Africa, Spain, Sri Lanka, Sweden, Switzerland, Thailand, Tunisia, Turkey, Ukraine, United Kingdom, United States, Venezuela, Viet Nam

• 1958: Belgium, Ecuador, Finland, Iran, Luxembourg, Mexico, Philippines, Sudan
• 1959: Iraq
• 1960: Chile, Colombia, Ghana, Senegal
• 1961: Lebanon, Mali, Democratic Republic of the Congo
• 1962: Liberia, Saudi Arabia
• 1963: Algeria, Bolivia, Côte d'Ivoire, Libya, Syria, Uruguay
• 1964: Cameroon, Gabon, Kuwait, Nigeria
• 1965: Costa Rica, Cyprus, Jamaica, Kenya, Madagascar
• 1966: Jordan, Panama
• 1967: Sierra Leone, Singapore, Uganda
• 1968: Liechtenstein
• 1969: Malaysia, Niger, Zambia
• 1970: Ireland
• 1972: Bangladesh
• 1973: Mongolia
• 1974: Mauritius
• 1976: Qatar, United Arab Emirates, Tanzania
• 1977: Nicaragua
• 1983: Namibia
• 1984: China
• 1986: Zimbabwe
• 1992: Estonia, Slovenia
• 1993: Armenia, Croatia, Czech Republic, Lithuania, Slovakia
• 1994: The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Kazakhstan, Marshall Islands, Uzbekistan, Yemen
• 1995: Bosnia and Herzegovina
• 1996: Georgia
• 1997: Latvia, Malta, Moldova
• 1998: Burkina Faso
• 1999: Angola, Benin
• 2000: Tajikistan
• 2001: Azerbaijan, Central African Republic, Serbia
• 2002: Eritrea, Botswana
• 2003: Honduras, Seychelles, Kyrgyzstan
• 2004: Mauritania
• 2005: Chad
• 2006: Belize, Malawi, Montenegro, Mozambique
• 2007: Cabo Verde*
• 2008: Nepal, Palau
• 2009: Bahrain, Burundi, Cambodia, Congo, Lesotho, Oman
• 2011: Lao People's Democratic Republic, Tonga*
• 2012: Dominica, Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Rwanda, Togo, Trinidad and Tobago
• 2013: San Marino, Swaziland
• 2014: Bahamas, Brunei Darussalam, Comoros*
• 2015: Djibouti, Guyana, Vanuatu, Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados
• 2016: Saint Lucia*, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines*, The Gambia*, Turkmenistan"

Events on the calendar are located in a number of different countries from the above list. The headquarters is in Vienna, Austria.

The Turkish culture associates "epillepsy" with mental retardation, so they usually refer to seizures as 'fainting". This can cause confusion when in a medical setting, as fainting and seizures are two different issues. The stories usually falled into one of five plot categories. The conditions were typically caused by a frightful experience, a childhood fever or injury, no apparent reason, chronic suffering, or an evil eye. These classifications help see trends and learn where improvements can be made.

Miriam Ticktin is an associate professor of anthropology at The New School for Social Research, as well as the Co-Director of Zolberg Institute for Migration and Mobility. This indicates that she writes this article from an anthropologic perspective rather than with a biological or political viewpoint.

Emergency response is the main idea in this article, but specifically that related to nuclear emergencies. An interesting point was made about the confidentiality of the plants and their "trade secrets" of sorts. While being transparent is helpful for safety reasons, it also reduced the profitability of the company, since other companies would be able to use their ideas. EMS knows a lot about respecting privacy through HIPPA, however it is also important to know the layout of important or potentially hazardous buildings within a response district. This would be a necessary compromise to make between the nuclear emergency response team and the nuclear leaders.