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One ecosystem mentioned in the film was the one of oysters  -which actually is also man-made, as it is an oyster-farm - but I think it becomes very clear in the film that it became more difficult to the oyster-farmers to cultivate the oysters through the 6th Naphtha petrochemical complex. The farmers talk about  mud and other new circumstances that kill the larvae of the oysters. In this context, this is also affecting the socio-sphere, and the impact on the eco-sphere is not so much highlighted in the film, but I think it would be interesting to look further in this point.

The technical infrastructure that is supposed to monitor fixed pollution sources by law is not working properly in the case of the 6th Naphtha (- or it is made to work not properly). There should be CEMS “Continuous Emission Monitoring System” installed directly at some of the chimneys, and there was data produced by the systems, showing a lot of cases of excessive emission - but data was described to be invalid due to maintenance of the apparatus. The activists describe this as a loophole. It is interesting here, how standards and monitoring is not only a question of what is asked by law or regulated by law, but also what happens to avoid these regulations. So what civic data is needed here? It would be the measurements of the CEMS  or from other monitoring systems not only at the plant, but for example nearby the school. As one activist stresses in the documentary, there were for example infrared thermometers at one school, that recorded the heat of the accident mentioned in the film. This is an example for civic data.  It was also interesting here, how a person in the film said, that their own bodies monitor the pollution (“Our body is more sensitive”): they feel in their bodies, what the monitoring devices supposedly do not notice. 

One could say that there are several subjectivities produced in the context of the 6th Naphtha petrochemical complex: being someone who suffers from a disease or the smell, the risk to get health issues due to the exposure to the polluted air; being an activist who fights against formosa company, being a oyster farmer who has become politicised by the environmental pollution. In this context, for me it is the point of being at risk is very interesting, as it seems to lead people to different kinds of action: to produce knowledge about these risks, to relocate children from one school to another etc.

The Bedford-Stuyvesant Volunteer Ambulance Corps is a non-profit organization that is certified by the State of New York as a Basic Life Support ambulance and emergency medical service provider. The BSVAC provides EMS service to the Bedford-Stuyvesant area of Brooklyn in New York City, NY. 

In this article, the authors present the evolving field of biosecurity, specifically the "forms of expertise and the knowledge practices thorugh which disease threats are understood and managed." The authors argue that the field of biosecurity has evolved beyond biodefense and security at the national level, and instead now involves governments, militaries, health agencies, and humanitarian organizations on a global scale.

FEMA/ASCE World Trade Center Building Performance Study

NIST World Trade Center reports (various)

National Board of Fire Underwriters and Underwriters' Laboratories (UL)

The author explores the impact of healthcare and immigration laws in France that impact the well-being and health of immigrants. Specifically referencing French legislation from 1997, the author discusses how protocols have developed and been adapted over the past decade to dictate that those immigrants who are suffering from illnesses should be provided care, treatment, and housing, rather than being deported or forced to fend for themselves. 

As a federal agency, FEMA employs federal employees who are coordinated and supervised by various administrators, supervisors, and directors. Their organizational chart as of November of 2016 can be found here. (https://www.fema.gov/media-library-data/1479239897769-7b1af74a3c8cf9c38…)

• "During our interviews in Turkey, many of the conversations we had--with those suffering seizures, with family members, persons in the community, and health care providers--were made up largely of stories. We were told stories of the sudden and shocking onset of seizures or fainting, of particularly dramatic episodes of seizures or extended loss of consciousness, of years of efforts in which families and individuals engaged in a quest to find a cure, of especially memorable interactions with physicians and with religious healers, and of experiences at work, with friends, and, for example, in marriage negotiations that were influenced by the illness."
• "As a result, however, the stories were often quite ambiguous as to the nature of the illness, and it was often unclear whether the stories were 'reports of experience' or were largely governed by a typical cultural form or narrative structure."
• "Much of what we know about illness we know through stories--stories told by the sick about their experiences, by family members, doctors, healers, and others in the society. This is a simple fact. 'An illness' has a narrative structure, although it is not a closed text, and it is composed as a corpus of stories."