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Why is the rate of incarceration in Louisiana so high? How do we critique the way prisons are part of infrastructural solutions to anthropocenic instabilities? As Angela Davis writes, “prisons do not disappear social problems, they disappear human beings. Homelessness, unemployment, drug addiction, mental illness, and illiteracy are only a few of the problems that disappear from public view when the human beings contending with them are relegated to cages.” One way of imagining and building a vision of an anti-carceral future is practiced in the Solitary Gardens project here in New Orleans: 

The Solitary Gardens are constructed from the byproducts of sugarcane, cotton, tobacco and indigo- the largest chattel slave crops- which we grow on-site, exposing the illusion that slavery was abolished in the United States. The Solitary Gardens utilize the tools of prison abolition, permaculture, contemplative practices, and transformative justice to facilitate exchanges between persons subjected to solitary confinement and volunteer proxies on the “outside.” The beds are “gardened” by prisoners, known as Solitary Gardeners, through written exchanges, growing calendars and design templates. As the garden beds mature, the prison architecture is overpowered by plant life, proving that nature—like hope, love, and imagination—will ultimately triumph over the harm humans impose on ourselves and on the planet.

"Nature" here is constructed in a very particularistic way: as a redemptive force to harness in opposition to the wider oppressive system the architecture of a solitary confinement cell is a part of. It takes a lot of intellectual and political work to construct a counter-hegemonic nature, in other words. Gardeners in this setting strive toward a cultivation of relations antithetical to the isolationist, anti-collective sociality prisons (and in general, a society in which prisons are a permanent feature of crisis resolution) foster.

My interest in NOLA anthropocenics pivots on water, and particularly the ways in which capitalist regimes of value and waste specify, appropriate, and/or externalize forms of water. My research is concerned with water crises more generally, and geographically situated in Flint, Michigan. I thought I could best illustrate these interests with a sampling of photographs from a summer visit to NOLA back in 2017. At the time, four major confederate monuments around the city had just been taken down. For supplemental reading, I'm including an essay from political theorist Adolph Reed Jr. (who grew up in NOLA) that meditates on the long anti-racist struggle that led to this possibility, and flags the wider set of interventions that are urgently required to abolish the landscape of white supremacy. 

Flooded street after heavy rains due to failures of city pumping infrastructure.

A headline from the same week in the local press.

Some statues are gone but other monuments remain (this one is annotated).

A Starbucks in Lakeview remembering Katrina--the line signifies the height of the water at the time.

Reading:

Adolph Reed Jr., “Monumental Rubbish” https://www.commondreams.org/views/2017/06/25/monumental-rubbish-statues-torn-down-what-next-new-orleans

P.S. In case the photos don't show up in the post I'm attaching them in a PDF document as well! 

As a federal agency, FEMA employs federal employees who are coordinated and supervised by various administrators, supervisors, and directors. Their organizational chart as of November of 2016 can be found here. (https://www.fema.gov/media-library-data/1479239897769-7b1af74a3c8cf9c38…)

• "During our interviews in Turkey, many of the conversations we had--with those suffering seizures, with family members, persons in the community, and health care providers--were made up largely of stories. We were told stories of the sudden and shocking onset of seizures or fainting, of particularly dramatic episodes of seizures or extended loss of consciousness, of years of efforts in which families and individuals engaged in a quest to find a cure, of especially memorable interactions with physicians and with religious healers, and of experiences at work, with friends, and, for example, in marriage negotiations that were influenced by the illness."
• "As a result, however, the stories were often quite ambiguous as to the nature of the illness, and it was often unclear whether the stories were 'reports of experience' or were largely governed by a typical cultural form or narrative structure."
• "Much of what we know about illness we know through stories--stories told by the sick about their experiences, by family members, doctors, healers, and others in the society. This is a simple fact. 'An illness' has a narrative structure, although it is not a closed text, and it is composed as a corpus of stories."

The Bedford-Stuyvesant Volunteer Ambulance Corps is a non-profit organization that is certified by the State of New York as a Basic Life Support ambulance and emergency medical service provider. The BSVAC provides EMS service to the Bedford-Stuyvesant area of Brooklyn in New York City, NY. 

In this article, the authors present the evolving field of biosecurity, specifically the "forms of expertise and the knowledge practices thorugh which disease threats are understood and managed." The authors argue that the field of biosecurity has evolved beyond biodefense and security at the national level, and instead now involves governments, militaries, health agencies, and humanitarian organizations on a global scale.

FEMA/ASCE World Trade Center Building Performance Study

NIST World Trade Center reports (various)

National Board of Fire Underwriters and Underwriters' Laboratories (UL)