This map is a fascinating and important image as it does NOT show the many sites of (ongoing) nuclear radiation contamination in communities impacted by uranium extraction and processing. For example, the Navajo Nation has around 270 unreclaimed open pit tailings piles. This is not official "waste" but is quotidian waste that creates longstanding environmental harm.
This image hides many things, including:
1. the slow but steady dispossession of smallholder (often African-American) farms that have been overtaken/bought out by Smithfield Foods to enlarge the industrial footprint of CAFOs;
2. the hogs themselves, whose hooves never touch the ground as they stand on "hog slats" inside the hangers as they move through the Fordist stages of transformation from individual animals into packaged pork;
3. the human operators, themselves, who are rarely wealthy, and are contracted for decades (or life) to purchase all "inputs" (feed, semen, etc) from Smithfield; in 2010, I took my EJ class from UNC-Chapel Hill to visit one of these operators at his CAFO, outside Raleigh, NC, and he was battling Smithfield and Duke Energy to be allowed to erect and operate a small-scale, experimental wind turbine that ran on methane captured from his pigs; years later, individual efforts at small-scale biogas would be overtaken by entities like Align LNG which now, in Sampson County, proposes the "Grady Road Project" to scale-up factory-farmed methane gas capture from much larger operations;
4. the legacy of resistance to this form of agricultural production, led by community-based intellectuals like Gary Grant, who as early as the 1980s was speaking out, traveling to state and federal lawmakers, publishing, and organizing against the growing harms of CAFOs in his home territory of Halifax County, NC. [See the suggested readings by Gary Grant and Steve Wing, Naeema Muhammed and others, that tracks this organized resistance and the formation of several community-based EJ groups in response].
The Sampson County landfill can be smelled before seen. This olfactory indicator points toward the sensory scale of these pungent emissions but also toward the geographic scope: this landfill receives waste from as far away as Orange County (the state's most expensive property/tax base), among dozens of other distant counties, making this "hazardous site" a lesson in realizing impact beyond the immediate locale. So when we answer the question, "What is this hazard?" we must think not only about the landfill as a thing in itself but as a set of economic and political relations of capital and the transit of other peoples' trash, into this lower-income, rural, predominantly African-American neighborhood. In this way, 'thinking with a landfill' (like this one in Sampson County) enables us to analyze wider sets of relationships, NIMBY-ist policymaking, consumerism, waste management, and the racialized spatial politics that enable Sampson County to be the recipient of trash from all over the state. At the same time we think spatially and in transit, we can think historically to (a) inquire about the DEQ policies that enable this kind of waste management system; and (b) the emergent "solutions" in the green energy sector that propose to capture the landfill's methane in order to render the stench productive for the future -- that is, to enable more consumption, by turning garbage into gas. As such, the idea of "hazard" can expand beyond the site itself - impactful and affective as that site might be - to examine the uneven relations of exchange and capitalist-driven values of productivity that further entrench infrastructures such as these. [This offers a conceptual corrollary to thinking, as well, about the entrenchment of CAFOs for "green" biogas development, as we address elsewhere in the platform].
It allows us to do our job during hazard events without worrying and potentially affecting the lives of patients because of financial liabilities.
"Entergy Corp, which operates Indian Point, said that 10 miles 'provides a robust safety margin' and the Fukushima advisory reflected that area's bigger power complex and the lack of information surrounding that accident."
"...Disaster Accountability Project, a nonprofit organization that monitors disaster-response programs and the author of the report, cited the commission's response to the 2011 nuclear accident in Fukushima, Japan, in which it reccommended that U.S. citizens within 50 miles evacuate."
Miriam Ticktin is an associate professor of Anthropology at The New School for Social Research and Co-Director of Zolberg Institute for Migration and Mobility. her main areas of interest include immigration and politics that interact with universal humanitarinism. Her work is related to some of the topics we cover, such as at-risk groups and mobility post-disaster, as well as current potential new health stresses on the world due to politics and immigration.
Social forces such as racism, gender inequality and poverty impact health issues, determining who becomes ill and who can access proper healthcare. This interaction is imperative to understand when looking at broader public health. While understanding the molecular basis of disease will help us prevent illness, addressing biosocial phenomena is critical to public health
The article is a conglomeration of findings during two research workshops in 2014 and 2015. There are also many outside articles referenced on the subject. Finally experiences from those in the field are used to understand the difficulties.
They generally work in the lowest socio-economic groups, which tend to be the most in need for medicial aid.
I think it can both bring the public to better understand first response and disaster response better as well as serve as a great film for other first responders to better understand what happened and how that day was handled.