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The latter part of the piece addresses current plans to combat the cholera epidemic sparked during relief efforts post-quake. However, due to many of the factors discussed earlier in the article, donors are hesitant to put money towards efforts. Moreover, the UN's plan worked on a 10-year timeline given the appropriate funding; stalling finances have pushed that timeline out to almost 40 years. Currently a lawsuit is being put forth by the Haitian government to obtain the promised money and support from the UN.

1) Definition of humanitarian crisis: This article denotes a multitude of situations, all of which seem to have a drastic effect on human health and well-being. That being said, some crisis or armed conflicts are not deemed a humanitarian crisis. According to several sources, the definition is incredibly subjective, and must be event(s) which harm the health, safety, or well-being of a community or large group of people.

2) Humanitarian worker protections: At this time, there does not seem to be a true movement to legally prosecute those who harm humanitarian or aid workers. However, within the Geneva Convention and later Protocols, there are legal protections for non-combatants during armed conflicts; this is in addition to a UN Security Council Resolution (1502) which gives greater protection to aid workers, classifying attacks on them as a war crime.

3) Non-combatants: This is where definitions of humanitarian aid workers and their protections under both the Geneva Convention and UN Resolution fall apart. The current climate and disregard for international sanctions has left many aid workers at the mercy of those who do not recognize the UN or global entities. As such, they are faced with the choice to remain non-combatants (those who do not carry or use a weapon during a conflict) and most likely be harmed; or to carry defensive arms and proclaim themselves a combatant, and thus be a target. Hence, the difficulty in being a health care worker in an age of general militarization. This is also a topic heavily discussed in the book Trauma by Dr. James Cole. As a member of the special operations, Dr. Cole was always well within danger; he discusses the choice to carry or not carry a weapon, and how discharging the weapon (even in self-defense) changes the nature of the health care provider and their position in an armed conflict. 

The policy does not make any specific mentions of how to deal with vulnerable populations. However, if one were to consider the nature of New York, it can be argued that the city's entire population is vulnerable to outbreak. As a hub of trade, finance, travel, and business, New York is at a considerably higher risk than a city without this high metropolitan activity. The policy does include measures on how to treat individuals who show signs and symptoms in public locations, but does not mandate testing or health checks for individuals involved in transport, travel, or who have limited access to health care (the homeless).

1) EPA: what are the exact duties and responsibilities of the EPA after a disaster? While we mostly consider it to focus on pollutants and environmental conservation, both this article and FEMA training seem to indicate it holds a much larger role in emergency situations.

2) Christie Whitman: a former governor of New Jersey and Administrator of the EPA from 2001-2003, Whitman served during the 9/11 attacks. Despite pointed personal criticism about her time in the EPA (including legal action), Whitman historical demonstrated a pattern of moderatism, often putting her at odds with the administration she served. It would be interesting to see where in the 9/11 lapse emerged-- whether it be from judgement, misinformation, or disinterest.

3) 9/11 Health Effects: The release of millions of asbestos and concrete particles into the air certainly increases the odds of chronic respiratory issues for NYC populations. I would be interested in whether any other chronic issues or epidemics have been noted as a result of pollution from the Towers' collapse

The program has two primary targets: incarcerated offenders and the public. It was founded, first and foremost, as a way to treat prisoners in the Rhode Island Adult Correctional Institution. The goal of providing these offenders with basic health care, treatment, and interventions remains at the forefront. Such projects include management of LGBQT youth in correctional facilities, HIV/AIDs prevention/treatment, and substance abuse clinics. More than anything, the program targets inmates who suffer from mismanaged health problem-- often times leading to their incarceration. The secondary goal of the Center is to provide the public and policy makers with their findings, and showcase how human health and imprisonment are linked. This dual-prong approach allows for treatment of both the immediate issue and the causative agent.

The web platform is supported by the organization Land of Opportunity. Land of Opportunity partners with several sponsors, including a local organization called NOVAC (New Orleans Video Access Center). Other partners include Greater New Orleans Fair Housing Action Center, Center for Social Media, Louisiana Justice Institute, PATOIS, Survivors Village, New Orleans Workers Center for Racial Justice, and Video Veracity. These organizations represent funding and on-the-ground workers for Land of Opportunity