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The author relied on a combination of resarch and personal experience to support his arguments. First hand experience during the time the policy was in effect also contributed to his knowledge on the subject.

1. “Chronic disaster syndrome” thus refers in this analysis to the cluster of trauma-and posttrauma-related phenomena that are at once individual, social, and political and that are associated with disaster as simultaneously causative and experiential of a chronic condition of distress in relation to displacement.

2. Most efforts to rebuild health care facilities focused on emergency care, routine care, and surgical services rather than psychiatry.

3. For many people, the idea that they had to stay in a state of heightened response to the pending “crisis”—a state they had already been in for over two years—produced huge anxiety and exhaustion.

4. Instead, the notion that New Orleanians themselves were a threat to public or national security circulated and became a rationale for the efforts the government did take to effect change in New Orleans. This change, in effect, targeted the poor. The poor, it seems, were to be evicted from New Orleans as a way to “clean up” the city and help it recover once and for all.

Emergency Response isn't directly addressed in the article. However there is one mention of emergency responders and the debriefing typically held after a traumatic event/call. But, the article also says that this method is not actually effective in preventing psychopathology, and can actually hinder the healing process by promoting exposure to traumatic memories. 

1. Arguably, the new Ukrainian accounting of the Cherobyl unknown was part and parcel of the government's strategies for "knowledge-based" governance and social mobilization. In 1991 and in its first set of laws, the new parliament denounced the Soviet management of Chemobyl as "an act of genocide."

2. On the one hand, the Ukrainian government rejected Western neoliberal prescriptions to downsize its social welfare domain; on the other hand, it presented itself as informed by the principles of a moder risk society. On the one hand, these Chernobyl laws allowed for unprecedented civic organizing; on the other hand, they became distinct venues of corruption through which informal practices of providing or selling access to state privileges and protections (blat) expanded.

3. Government-operated radiation research clinics and non- governmental organizations mediate an informal economy of illness and claims to a "biological citizenship"-a demand for, but limited access to, a form of social welfare based on medical, scientific, and legal criteria that recognize injury and compensate for it.

I tried all three apps: 

I've-Been-Violated allows you to put in your name, phone number, and email, read instructions, and take a video recording in three steps. 

We-Consent was confusing as I only got the camera screen and couldn't turn it off without exiting the app.

What-about-no wouldn't send me a confirmation email so I couldn't log in :(

The film best addresses health care professionals and families of those with chronic illness, as it shows the medical professionals' struggles and successes in providing comfort, closure, and knowledge in end-of-life care. It provides more empathy to the doctors who may get very involved in their patients' lives and who also feel grief when their patient has to get more bad news or passes away.

The production and continued maintenance is paid for by hospitals and foundations partnered with the app developers. 

The program was created in reaction to the disaster at Fukushima-Daiichi, with influence of the lessons learned post-bombing in Hiroshima. Hiroshima University specializes in radiation casualty medicine and works to improve medical care in response to nuclear emergencies. This program was specifically made to generate leaders capable of directing relief efforts while keeping the clear goal of reconstruction post-disaster.