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As a researcher, I’m interested in the political, ecological, and cultural debates around mosquito-borne diseases and the solutions proposed to mitigate them.

When we received the task, my first impulse was to investigate about the contemporary effects of anthropogenic climate change in mosquito-borne diseases in New Orleans. But I was afraid to make the same mistake that I did in my PhD research. I wrote my PhD proposal while based in the US, more specifically in New England, during the Zika epidemic, and proposed to understand how scientists were studying ecological climate change and mosquitoes in Brazil. However, once I arrived in the country the political climate was a much more pressing issue, with the dismantling of health and scientific institutions.

Thus, after our meeting yesterday, and Jason Ludwig’s reminder that the theme of our Field Campus is the plantation, I decided to focus on how it related to mosquitoes in New Orleans.

The Aedes aegypti mosquito and the yellow fever virus it can transmit are imbricated in the violent histories of settler-colonialism and slavery that define the plantation economy. The mosquito and the virus arrived in the Americas in the same ships that brought enslaved peoples from Africa. The city of New Orleans had its first yellow fever epidemic in 1796, with frequent epidemics happening between 1817 and 1905. What caused New Orleans to be the “City of the Dead,” as Kristin Gupta has indicated, was yellow fever. However, as historian Urmi Engineer Willoughby points out, the slave trade cannot explain alone the spread and persistance of the disease in the region: "Alterations to the landscape, combined with demographic changes resulting from the rise of sugar production, slavery, and urban growth all contributed to the region’s development as a yellow fever zone." For example, sugar cultivation created ideal conditions for mosquito proliferation because of the extensive landscape alteration and ecological instabilities, including heavy deforestation and the construction of drainage ditches and canals.

Historian Kathryn Olivarius examines how for whites "acclimatization" to the disease played a role in hierarchies with “acclimated” (immune) people at the top and a great mass of “unacclimated” (non-immune) people and how for black enslaved people "who were embodied capital, immunity enhanced the value and safety of that capital for their white owners, strengthening the set of racialized assumptions about the black body bolstering racial slavery."

As I continue to think through these topics, I wonder how both the historical materialities of the plantation and the contemporary anthropogenic changes might be influencing mosquito-borne diseases in New Orleans nowadays? And more, how the regions’ histories of race and class might still be shaping the effects of these diseases and how debates about them are framed?

I researched further on

1. Other medical based residence laws in western countries. 
2. Immigration laws in france
3. International refugee policy

This study was funded by the National Institute of Health, which is why it was made available through their public access database.

The Royal Commission on Aboriginal People

Canadian Parliment

Health Canada

First People - First Person Hub

1. "Older models of welfare rely on precise definitions situating citizens and their attributes on a cross-mesh of known categories upon which claims rights are based. Here one observes how ambiguities related to categorizing suffering created a political field in which a state, forms of citizenship, and informal economies were remade."

2. "She saw the illness of this group as a "struggle for power" and material resources related to the disaster."

3. "The sufferers and their administrators were also supported by the nonsuffering citizens, who paid a 12 percent tax on their salaries to support compensations"

The policy is the IAEA: Convention on Early Notification of a Nuclear Accident. Written in 1986, it aimed to create an international system for reporting a nuclear accident, transferring vital information from the source to those who would need it to facilitate effective emergency response.

Byron J. Good is a medical anthropologist currently on the faculty of Harvard University, where he holds the positions of Professor of Medical Anthropology at Harvard Medical School and Professor of Cultural Anthropology in the Department of Anthropology. Good's writings have primarily focused on the cultural  meaning of mental illnesses, patient narratives of illness, and development of mental health systems.

Based on the available sources, I was unable to determine if this article was discussed or cited elsewhere.

I researched more on the demographics found in the NYC 67th precinct, other police brutality related incidents taking place around the same time, and I looked at other New York Daily News articles related to police brutality to get a better understanding of the paper's bias.

I found the images of futility and violance in this film to be most compelling, especially when police forces were turned against the people, and a person was shot in the leg, causing an apparent open fracture, which he later succumbed to. The images of death and effected children were obviously used in this film to tug at "heartstrings" to promote an emotional response.