EiJ Concept: Median Income
This essay explains the concept of "median income" and provides resources for teaching it in various contexts.
This essay explains the concept of "median income" and provides resources for teaching it in various contexts.
Thinking through this article and Vermeylen's, something we might consider in ATX is how we conceptualize community itself. It is so easy in EJ-contexts to make communities our object of study and analysis, which can erase identities and exclusions within them...
How is ecological harm and gentrification experienced by LGBTQ people in Austin? Women? Etcetera?
What is the energy sector's relationship to racial capitalism? How is its current configuration shaped by legacies of settler colonialism, state bureaucracy, and corporate investment?
Environmental justice narratives in the U.S. often fall into "sacrifice zone" narratives that universalize experiences on the community-level, reproducing specifically bounded narratives about American lives and livelihoods, relationships to nature and capital, and the kinds of knowledge and authority that matter. Vermeylen's article disrupts this idea, rightfully arguing that environmental justice requires a more upfront confrontation with the socio-historical causes of oppression brought about by coloniality, as well as the fact that we need to question the righteousness of EJ discourses that rely on white settler logics.
For the Austin Field Campus, how can we bring attention to Anglo-American settler colonialism in our approaches to EJ and gentrification? And thinking back to the NOLA Field Campus, what Texas histories should we be drawing from to understand energy transitions in the city?
Providing a historical overview of EJ-related issues and organzing in Austin, Walsh's piece gestures to the need for deep engagement with those already doing what we might consider 'quotidian anthropocenic' work in our field campus locations. What are our ethical relationships and obligations to those we collaborate with during our time physically in the city? What should they be after? How can our analytical contributions help organizations like PODER and other local activists fighting gentrification and biased zoning laws?
It has become a common refrain to ask how the Anthropocene is experienced locally, but what about corporeally? A growing body of evidence (such as this report from the APA) demonstrates that climate change and its effects are linked to elevated rates of depression, anxiety, suicidal ideation, PTSD, and a host of emotions including anger, hopelessness, and despair. After Hurricane Katrina, it was estimated that 1 in 6 survivors experienced PTSD, and Harvard researchers found that suicidal ideation heavily spiked. While discussions of these forms of ecological grief (or "ecoanxiety" by psychologists) have largely focused on mental health, economic impacts, and big storms rather than less spectacular forms of ecological change (especially in New Orleans), I am particularly interested in finding how embodied apprehensions of human vulnerability are experienced within the city, and how these have affected approaches to mortality and practices around death and dying.
Aside from talking to more deathcare professionals in the area (something I hope to do once we arrive), I have found rather robust evidence that there is increased engagement with mortality in New Orleans. Death Cafes, which are community gatherings to discuss death and combat taboos that make it an inappropriate topic of conversation, have regularly met for the past two years. Furthermore, preliminary research on funeral homes in NOLA seems to indicate increased interest in green internment options, with multiple organizations framing green/natural burial as a gentle option that "returns the body to nature." While means of casket burial and cremation have historically worked to “correctly” order death and the dead through preservation or means of obliterating the body as quickly as possible (organizing principles that have that rendered death as an interruption rather than a natural process), these endeavors seem to accept to the pressing realities of individual and earthly mortality by framing death as an opportunity for renewal - a sort of "circle of life."
Although it is less related to my own area of expertise, one of most surprising discoveries I made was that New Orleans was home to the original "Before I Die" wall. In 2013, artist Connie Chung created a participatory chalkboard in an abandoned house with a fill-in-the-blank question of “Before I die, I want to ______.” (The next day, the wall was completely filled with responses.) Iterations of this project are now in over 75 countries. While Chung does not specifically cite anthropogenics as a source of interest or inspiration, its original placement on a building that stood as a sort of monument to ecological devastation makes me strongly think that there are broader connections to be made here about somatic attunements to climate change.
As a researcher interested in the growing relationship between ecological grief and rituals surrounding death and dying, New Orleans has always been a place of special curiosity. The city’s historic cemeteries are arguably some of the most beautiful and certainly some of the most visited graveyards in the world. Since New Orleans lies below sea level and generally has soil too water-saturated for earth burial, the dead have historically been buried above ground in “Cities of the Dead,” where rows upon rows of mausoleums are designed to protect casketed bodies from the defilement of water, microbes, and ‘vermin’ as a means of warding off decay. Gesturing towards anxieties about the ontological pollution of the human subject, these structures often seem to be constituted through desires to remain intelligible after death and act to inhibit the incorporation of the corpse into subterranean, more-than-human worlds.
However, as anthropogenic climate change threatens these kinds of normative deathways, the sustainability of such practices have begun to be called into question. It is estimated that on average, burials in the United States annually use 30,000,000 board feet of wood, 104,000 tons of steel, 1,600,000 tons of concrete, and 800,000 gallons of embalming fluid. (I'm interested in finding out about more specifics about material usage in NOLA, but am still searching for that information.) This becomes even more important when considering that cemeteries within the city have repeatedly been disturbed by hurricanes and floods in recent years, an issue that remains even further inland from Lake Pontchartrain due to now regular flooding. When a storm hits, it can wreak havoc by destroying or displacing mausoleums, buildings, signs, and decorations. Even more disturbingly, vaults and caskets buried below ground can surge to the surface and float away. This has become a macabre pattern across the South in recent years: the waters brought by Hurricanes Katrina, Gustav, Ike, Irma, and Harvey all washed away caskets, in some cases breaking them apart and leaving local medical examiners and federal mortuary response teams with the rather grim task of identifying remains and parsing the environmental damage caused by potential leakages and run-off.
This new normal has brought wider attention to how the ways we “do death” affect built and natural environments, enmeshing funeral practices in broader questions of ecologically responsible citizenship and collaborative survival with nonhuman life. How has New Orleans responded to these crises, both materially and existentially? Is there growing recognition of individual and earthly mortality, and how is that reflected in mortuary practice? What options best attend to these forms of climatic upheaval?
A sacrifice zone or sacrifice area (often termed a national sacrifice zone or national sacrifice area) is a geographic area that has been permanently impaired by environmental damage or economic disinvestment. These zones are most commonly found in low-income and minority communities. Children that grow up near these areas are more likely to have asthma and other lung issuesd
Full annotation
Annotate ONE of the readings assigned for the week. The reading you choose must have an asterisk next to it in the syllabus (hint: the longer readings will almost always have an asterisk). Annotations should be at least 200 words, excluding the quotes and citations. Please use the following format:
1. Citation: ACNJ (2018, March). Newark Kids Count Report 2018 . Retrieved from Kids Count Data Center:https://acnj.org/kids-count/newark-kids-count/2. What three quotes capture the critical import of the text (include page numbers)?Newark has high rates of both. As indicated in this year’s Newark Kids Count, 37 percent of Newark families with children live under the poverty level. Additionally, Newark’s housing stock is relatively old, with 73 percent of households living in homes built before 1980, two years after lead paint was banned. The most up-to-date science recognizes that even very small amounts of lead in a child’s body can cause lifelong damage. The State of New Jersey has recognized this fact by lowering the blood lead level necessary to trigger state action, from 10 micrograms per deciliter to 5. This reflects federal CDC recommendations (ACNJ 7,2018)Importance: There was a common misconception that the issue with lead in the city of newark came from the water systems when actually it came from lead based paint. Newark is extremely old in it history along with its housing, Some homes date back to almost three hundred years, which dates back to when leadbased paint was the only option.When a family spends too much money on rent, they have less to spend on other necessities, such as food or transportation. The 30 percent of income standard has been in use since the 1930s. 1 In 2016, 59 percent of Newark families spent a significant portion of their income on rent — far higher than the statewide figure of 49 percent. The 2016 median monthly rent for Newark residents was $1,013, just $231 less than the statewide median rent. With a median income of less than $35,000, Newark families with children face disproportionately high housing costs.(ACNJ 24,2018)Importance: The Price of housing in the city of newark economically handicaps the majority of its inhabits. When a family has to spend more than 30% of the total monthly income not only are they unable to save but also it could possible make them unable to afford other basic nessesities such a healthy non processed food, if any.Students who miss 10 percent of school days (about two days a month) are more likely to fall behind in school and not graduate on time.(ACNJ 43 ,2018)Importance: For children that come from a low income background, education for many is the only way that some are able to change their socio-economical status.3. What is the main argument of the text, AND how does the author support it?The Report starts off by giving the statistics of the demographic background of the children of newark and how the population is growing, birthrates and foreign born children. LAstly it mentions the number of single parent homes in the area. This directly flows into the economical portion because these single parent homes account for 87% of those that live in poverty. Then it goes into the economic scope while highlighting "Family Economic Security " and " Economically Disadvantaged Children" along with Unemployment and how it influencese children . Housing Costs and how they directly determines the remaining portions that can be alloted to Food, and the lack of Nutritional Benefits children our left with. The report mentions programs that aid to contributing nutritional diet that impact health for example, School Breakfast. More topics such as : education,child neglect, prenatal care4. Responses, reflections, or questions:Does HUD plan on increase the amount of affordable housing in Newark?Does Newark plan one creating a lead removal fund program for current home owners?Should Pre-K be mandartory? Would that be wise to do in Essex County and would it influence the Academic preformance?There are lots of programs currently to improve low income childrens quality of life and assist them on changing their socioeconomic status:
CCAP (Child Care Assistance Program) - Assistance for low income families working full time, in school or training full-time, or a combination equaling to full-time. Eligibility is based on income, family size, and work/school hours.
CCVC (Child Care Voucher Centers) - Assistance for low income families that live in a selected CCVC county with a designated CCVC program. Rutgers Southern Regional CCR&R currently services Atlantic, Cumberland, and Gloucester counties with CCVC funding. The child care must be an approved CCVC center. Eligibility is based on income, family size, and work/school hours.
Kinship - Assistance for relatives caring for their relatives' children. Eligibility is based on income, family size, and work/school hours.
CPS (Child Protection Services) - Assistance for families referred to our agency through the Department of Children Protection and Permanency (DCP&P). Eligibility is determined through DCP&P who will forward our office your information if child care is needed.
PACC (Post Adoption Child Care) - Assistance for families who have recently adopted a child. Eligibility is based on work hours with approval and referral from Department of Children Protection and Permanency (DCP&P).
PTCC (Post Transitional Child Care) - Assistance for low income families who are ending their second year of Transitional Child care benefits through the County Board of Social Services. Eligibility is based on income, family size, and work hours. Please contact us if you are interested in this program.
DOE/WRAP (Department of Education and Wrap Around Care) - Assistance for families who reside in an Abbott school district and whose child is 3 or 4 years old. Eligibility is based on income, family size, work/school hours, age of child needing assistance, and residency. Please contact us if you are interested in this program.