Thinking through this article and Vermeylen's, something we might consider in ATX is how we conceptualize community itself. It is so easy in EJ-contexts to make communities our object of study and analysis, which can erase identities and exclusions within them...
How is ecological harm and gentrification experienced by LGBTQ people in Austin? Women? Etcetera?
What is the energy sector's relationship to racial capitalism? How is its current configuration shaped by legacies of settler colonialism, state bureaucracy, and corporate investment?
Environmental justice narratives in the U.S. often fall into "sacrifice zone" narratives that universalize experiences on the community-level, reproducing specifically bounded narratives about American lives and livelihoods, relationships to nature and capital, and the kinds of knowledge and authority that matter. Vermeylen's article disrupts this idea, rightfully arguing that environmental justice requires a more upfront confrontation with the socio-historical causes of oppression brought about by coloniality, as well as the fact that we need to question the righteousness of EJ discourses that rely on white settler logics.
For the Austin Field Campus, how can we bring attention to Anglo-American settler colonialism in our approaches to EJ and gentrification? And thinking back to the NOLA Field Campus, what Texas histories should we be drawing from to understand energy transitions in the city?
Providing a historical overview of EJ-related issues and organzing in Austin, Walsh's piece gestures to the need for deep engagement with those already doing what we might consider 'quotidian anthropocenic' work in our field campus locations. What are our ethical relationships and obligations to those we collaborate with during our time physically in the city? What should they be after? How can our analytical contributions help organizations like PODER and other local activists fighting gentrification and biased zoning laws?
It has become a common refrain to ask how the Anthropocene is experienced locally, but what about corporeally? A growing body of evidence (such as this report from the APA) demonstrates that climate change and its effects are linked to elevated rates of depression, anxiety, suicidal ideation, PTSD, and a host of emotions including anger, hopelessness, and despair. After Hurricane Katrina, it was estimated that 1 in 6 survivors experienced PTSD, and Harvard researchers found that suicidal ideation heavily spiked. While discussions of these forms of ecological grief (or "ecoanxiety" by psychologists) have largely focused on mental health, economic impacts, and big storms rather than less spectacular forms of ecological change (especially in New Orleans), I am particularly interested in finding how embodied apprehensions of human vulnerability are experienced within the city, and how these have affected approaches to mortality and practices around death and dying.
Aside from talking to more deathcare professionals in the area (something I hope to do once we arrive), I have found rather robust evidence that there is increased engagement with mortality in New Orleans. Death Cafes, which are community gatherings to discuss death and combat taboos that make it an inappropriate topic of conversation, have regularly met for the past two years. Furthermore, preliminary research on funeral homes in NOLA seems to indicate increased interest in green internment options, with multiple organizations framing green/natural burial as a gentle option that "returns the body to nature." While means of casket burial and cremation have historically worked to “correctly” order death and the dead through preservation or means of obliterating the body as quickly as possible (organizing principles that have that rendered death as an interruption rather than a natural process), these endeavors seem to accept to the pressing realities of individual and earthly mortality by framing death as an opportunity for renewal - a sort of "circle of life."
Although it is less related to my own area of expertise, one of most surprising discoveries I made was that New Orleans was home to the original "Before I Die" wall. In 2013, artist Connie Chung created a participatory chalkboard in an abandoned house with a fill-in-the-blank question of “Before I die, I want to ______.” (The next day, the wall was completely filled with responses.) Iterations of this project are now in over 75 countries. While Chung does not specifically cite anthropogenics as a source of interest or inspiration, its original placement on a building that stood as a sort of monument to ecological devastation makes me strongly think that there are broader connections to be made here about somatic attunements to climate change.
As a researcher interested in the growing relationship between ecological grief and rituals surrounding death and dying, New Orleans has always been a place of special curiosity. The city’s historic cemeteries are arguably some of the most beautiful and certainly some of the most visited graveyards in the world. Since New Orleans lies below sea level and generally has soil too water-saturated for earth burial, the dead have historically been buried above ground in “Cities of the Dead,” where rows upon rows of mausoleums are designed to protect casketed bodies from the defilement of water, microbes, and ‘vermin’ as a means of warding off decay. Gesturing towards anxieties about the ontological pollution of the human subject, these structures often seem to be constituted through desires to remain intelligible after death and act to inhibit the incorporation of the corpse into subterranean, more-than-human worlds.
However, as anthropogenic climate change threatens these kinds of normative deathways, the sustainability of such practices have begun to be called into question. It is estimated that on average, burials in the United States annually use 30,000,000 board feet of wood, 104,000 tons of steel, 1,600,000 tons of concrete, and 800,000 gallons of embalming fluid. (I'm interested in finding out about more specifics about material usage in NOLA, but am still searching for that information.) This becomes even more important when considering that cemeteries within the city have repeatedly been disturbed by hurricanes and floods in recent years, an issue that remains even further inland from Lake Pontchartrain due to now regular flooding. When a storm hits, it can wreak havoc by destroying or displacing mausoleums, buildings, signs, and decorations. Even more disturbingly, vaults and caskets buried below ground can surge to the surface and float away. This has become a macabre pattern across the South in recent years: the waters brought by Hurricanes Katrina, Gustav, Ike, Irma, and Harvey all washed away caskets, in some cases breaking them apart and leaving local medical examiners and federal mortuary response teams with the rather grim task of identifying remains and parsing the environmental damage caused by potential leakages and run-off.
This new normal has brought wider attention to how the ways we “do death” affect built and natural environments, enmeshing funeral practices in broader questions of ecologically responsible citizenship and collaborative survival with nonhuman life. How has New Orleans responded to these crises, both materially and existentially? Is there growing recognition of individual and earthly mortality, and how is that reflected in mortuary practice? What options best attend to these forms of climatic upheaval?
This article discusses how 9/11 can be compared to other disasters in US history such as the burning of the US Capitol Building in 1814 or the Iroquois Theater Fire in Chicago that occurred in 1903. These comparisons highlight how disaster investigations in the US have changed over time, which shows how political and societal norms of the time affected the investigation and reaction. He highlights how responsibility for disasters and authority is often an issue.
The author is Didier Fassin. He is a French anthropologist and sociologist who has conducted fieldwork in Senegal, Ecuador, South Africa, and France. He currently works at the Institute for Advanced Study as a professor of Social Science. He is a trained physician in internal medicine and public health. He works with Doctors Without Borders and focused his early research on medical anthropology, the AIDS epidemic, mortality disparities, and global health. He has received many awards and has been an author on many publications, including several of his own books. His current work focuses on punishment, asylum, inequality, and politics of life. He also studies justice and prison systems.
On the academy's front page, they have information regarding DRLA in the news and other highlights. It would appear that the program is highly regarded. USAID's Office of US Foreign Disaster Assistance visits Tulane to speak to students about career opportunities, showing that this program produces leaders that would fit the role of a caring and talented worker. Graduate students were also able to collaborate with local volunteer teams in the Louisiana Flood Recovery. Some Tulane professors also have UNICEF grants, which allow them to help lead UNICEF tranings meant to strengthen social service workfoce. They have met with several governmental agencies and FEMA, which provides a framework highlighting how well esteemed this academy and program really is.
Emily Goldmann, PhD, MPH, is an Assistant Research Professor of Global Public Health at the College of Global Public Health. Her work focuses on social and environmental determinants of mental health conditions such as posttraumatic stress disorder and depression, as well as the mental health consequences of acute health events. She believes that context is important when thinking about mental health conditions and that the causes of mental illnesses are embedded in all aspects of life. She has also worked as an epidemiologist at the NYC Dept of Health and Mental Hygiene in the Bureau of Adult Mental Health following Hurricane Sandy.
Sandro Galea, MD, MPH, DrPH is a physician and epidemiologist. He is the Robert A. Knox Professor and Dean at the Boston University School of Public Health. He has served as the Anna Cheskis Gelman and Murray Charles Gelman Professor and Chair of the Department of Epidemiology at the Columbia University Mailman School of Public Health. He has also held leadership positions at the University of Michigan and at the New York Academy of Medicine. His interests lie in the social production of health of urban populations, with a focus on the causes of brain disorders such as mood-anxiety disorders and substance abuse. He also works on the consequences of mass trauma worldwide. He has published over 600 scientific journal articles, 50 chapters, and 10 books and has received funding from NIH and CDC. His medical degree is from the University of Toronto, and his graduate degrees are from Harvard and Columbia with an honorary doctorate from the University of Glasgow. He has held several prestigous leadership positions.