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What the GAO nuclear waste map does NOT show

danapowell
Annotation of

This map is a fascinating and important image as it does NOT show the many sites of (ongoing) nuclear radiation contamination in communities impacted by uranium extraction and processing. For example, the Navajo Nation has around 270 unreclaimed open pit tailings piles. This is not official "waste" but is quotidian waste that creates longstanding environmental harm.

This image hides vulnerable actors, historical dispossession, and organized resistance

danapowell

This image hides many things, including:

1. the slow but steady dispossession of smallholder (often African-American) farms that have been overtaken/bought out by Smithfield Foods to enlarge the industrial footprint of CAFOs;

2. the hogs themselves, whose hooves never touch the ground as they stand on "hog slats" inside the hangers as they move through the Fordist stages of transformation from individual animals into packaged pork;

3. the human operators, themselves, who are rarely wealthy, and are contracted for decades (or life) to purchase all "inputs" (feed, semen, etc) from Smithfield; in 2010, I took my EJ class from UNC-Chapel Hill to visit one of these operators at his CAFO, outside Raleigh, NC, and he was battling Smithfield and Duke Energy to be allowed to erect and operate a small-scale, experimental wind turbine that ran on methane captured from his pigs; years later, individual efforts at small-scale biogas would be overtaken by entities like Align LNG which now, in Sampson County, proposes the "Grady Road Project" to scale-up factory-farmed methane gas capture from much larger operations;

4. the legacy of resistance to this form of agricultural production, led by community-based intellectuals like Gary Grant, who as early as the 1980s was speaking out, traveling to state and federal lawmakers, publishing, and organizing against the growing harms of CAFOs in his home territory of Halifax County, NC. [See the suggested readings by Gary Grant and Steve Wing, Naeema Muhammed and others, that tracks this organized resistance and the formation of several community-based EJ groups in response].

Historical and Spatial Analytics for widening the "scope" of hazards

danapowell
In response to

The Sampson County landfill can be smelled before seen. This olfactory indicator points toward the sensory scale of these pungent emissions but also toward the geographic scope: this landfill receives waste from as far away as Orange County (the state's most expensive property/tax base), among dozens of other distant counties, making this "hazardous site" a lesson in realizing impact beyond the immediate locale. So when we answer the question, "What is this hazard?" we must think not only about the landfill as a thing in itself but as a set of economic and political relations of capital and the transit of other peoples' trash, into this lower-income, rural, predominantly African-American neighborhood. In this way, 'thinking with a landfill' (like this one in Sampson County) enables us to analyze wider sets of relationships, NIMBY-ist policymaking, consumerism, waste management, and the racialized spatial politics that enable Sampson County to be the recipient of trash from all over the state. At the same time we think spatially and in transit, we can think historically to (a) inquire about the DEQ policies that enable this kind of waste management system; and (b) the emergent "solutions" in the green energy sector that propose to capture the landfill's methane in order to render the stench productive for the future -- that is, to enable more consumption, by turning garbage into gas. As such, the idea of "hazard" can expand beyond the site itself - impactful and affective as that site might be - to examine the uneven relations of exchange and capitalist-driven values of productivity that further entrench infrastructures such as these. [This offers a conceptual corrollary to thinking, as well, about the entrenchment of CAFOs for "green" biogas development, as we address elsewhere in the platform].

pece_annotation_1524604460

elizabeth.diblasio

The hazard in this artifact is in relation to the polluted water system throughout urban New Jersey areas. The Passaic Valley Sewerage Commission and the D.E.P are working together to create new infrastructure upgrades to the local sewer systems. This long term plan will help limit the amount of toxic waste that runs off into the drinking water for surrounding urban communities. 

pece_annotation_1524601928

elizabeth.diblasio

There are many vulnerabilities listed in this artifact that directly affect the community. To begin with, Bergen, Hudson, and Essex county are listed as the state's worse air quality. It also states that more than four in 10 people experience unhealthy air quality in the community within NJ.  

pece_annotation_1524600826

elizabeth.diblasio

This artifact states the solutions that local lawmakers have come up with in order to effectively clean up the toxic waste in the Passaic River. There are many sources of resilience here as the E.P.A added to a superfund program worth $1.38 billion to clear the city of chemicals, pesticides, and all other contaminants that deterioate the Passaic River. This plan extends into the Belleville area as well. For three decades the E.P.A has used this Superfund program to clean up the countries' most hazardous waster sites. The efforts to clean up the Passaic are a result of the intesnse cleaning of the Husdon River and Gowanus Canal in Brooklyn. 

pece_annotation_1524596561

elizabeth.diblasio

The main hazard of this artifact is the chemically polluted waters of the Passiac River and its effects on the marine life. Furthermore, it ish from the river are typically eaten by the locals. The main form of precaution exercised to avoid this health hazard would be the fish exchange tents which have been set up for locals to use exchange their catches from the Passaic with farm raised tilapia. 

pece_annotation_1517350892

elizabeth.diblasio

Vulnerability and resilience in this artifact are defined by the high concentration of child poverty in Essex County. They are measured using the Census from 2000 and 2015 which show how there is a trend in the percentage of children who expereince poverty within the county. Majority of the children living in poverty are currently living in heavilyu concentrated poverty neighborhoods like Newark, Irvington, and the Oranges. Although the affluent town of Milburn is nearby, it is unclear how these children continue to live below the poverty line in Newark even though the towns are only 6 miles apart.