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Why is the rate of incarceration in Louisiana so high? How do we critique the way prisons are part of infrastructural solutions to anthropocenic instabilities? As Angela Davis writes, “prisons do not disappear social problems, they disappear human beings. Homelessness, unemployment, drug addiction, mental illness, and illiteracy are only a few of the problems that disappear from public view when the human beings contending with them are relegated to cages.” One way of imagining and building a vision of an anti-carceral future is practiced in the Solitary Gardens project here in New Orleans: 

The Solitary Gardens are constructed from the byproducts of sugarcane, cotton, tobacco and indigo- the largest chattel slave crops- which we grow on-site, exposing the illusion that slavery was abolished in the United States. The Solitary Gardens utilize the tools of prison abolition, permaculture, contemplative practices, and transformative justice to facilitate exchanges between persons subjected to solitary confinement and volunteer proxies on the “outside.” The beds are “gardened” by prisoners, known as Solitary Gardeners, through written exchanges, growing calendars and design templates. As the garden beds mature, the prison architecture is overpowered by plant life, proving that nature—like hope, love, and imagination—will ultimately triumph over the harm humans impose on ourselves and on the planet.

"Nature" here is constructed in a very particularistic way: as a redemptive force to harness in opposition to the wider oppressive system the architecture of a solitary confinement cell is a part of. It takes a lot of intellectual and political work to construct a counter-hegemonic nature, in other words. Gardeners in this setting strive toward a cultivation of relations antithetical to the isolationist, anti-collective sociality prisons (and in general, a society in which prisons are a permanent feature of crisis resolution) foster.

My interest in NOLA anthropocenics pivots on water, and particularly the ways in which capitalist regimes of value and waste specify, appropriate, and/or externalize forms of water. My research is concerned with water crises more generally, and geographically situated in Flint, Michigan. I thought I could best illustrate these interests with a sampling of photographs from a summer visit to NOLA back in 2017. At the time, four major confederate monuments around the city had just been taken down. For supplemental reading, I'm including an essay from political theorist Adolph Reed Jr. (who grew up in NOLA) that meditates on the long anti-racist struggle that led to this possibility, and flags the wider set of interventions that are urgently required to abolish the landscape of white supremacy. 

Flooded street after heavy rains due to failures of city pumping infrastructure.

A headline from the same week in the local press.

Some statues are gone but other monuments remain (this one is annotated).

A Starbucks in Lakeview remembering Katrina--the line signifies the height of the water at the time.

Reading:

Adolph Reed Jr., “Monumental Rubbish” https://www.commondreams.org/views/2017/06/25/monumental-rubbish-statues-torn-down-what-next-new-orleans

P.S. In case the photos don't show up in the post I'm attaching them in a PDF document as well! 

I researched the Iroquois Theater Fire in Chicago as well as the US Capitol Building burning in 1814 and the Hague Street boiler explosion. I wanted to learn more about the magnitude of each of these disasters and the type of repercussions they had on the people surrounding as well as any implications it could have on the after math. This allowed me to better understand the investigation's findings in the research article. I also researched the political fallout behind the 9/11 attacks as well as the structural issues with the building that occurred after the planes hit.

A lot of background information and history was used to support and produce claims made in the article. Laws were discussed as well as their origins and effects on the population. Yet, specific stories were told about a 33 year old Tunisian, another about a Moroccan man who applied for a residence permit due to health issues, another about a Malian who lived in France. Real stories and accounts of problems faced in terms of immigration and health issues, as well as past experiences, were a main tool and method used in order to produce valid arguments throughout this text.

The academic program is targeted to college students who want to enter the field of disaster relief and become leaders in this area. The program accentuates the development of leaders and resiliency in their students to be able to excel in the career of disaster response, as strong and capable leaders. The program's aid targets areas and people in need post disaster, in terms of leadership and guidance. 

This policy allows for those in need to qualify for certain pay exclusions if they reach eligibility requirements. The policy also defines what an IMD is and what constitutes one in terms of how many bed it has, how it is run or operated, etc. This stands to possibly increase the amount of people that may seek treatment now, who couldn't before due to finances.

"Opinions about how the state should address the fate of these Chemobyl victims also serve as a kind of barometer of the country's changing moral fabric"

"Cherobyl was a key political event, generating many effects, some of which have yet to be known; its truths have been made only partly known through estimates derived from experimental science."

" She told me that Ukrainians were inflating their numbers of exposed persons, that their so-called invalids "didn't want cover." She saw the illnesses of this group as a "struggle for power and mater sources related to the disaster." 

"The story of Anton and Halia (age forty-two in 1997) shows the ways such com- plicity functioned in the most personal arenas. The new institutions, procedures, and actors that were at work at the state level, at the research clinic, and at the level of civic organizations were making their way into the couple's kvartyra (apartment). Anton's identity as a worker, his sense of masculinity, and his role as a father and breadwinner were being violently dislocated and altered in the process "